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CHARLES J.STILLE, , , ,^ ..,. . 


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Copyright, 1893, 


Charles J. Stille. 

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Printed by J. B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia. 


It has often been remarked by students of American 
history (in this part of the country at least) that in 
both popular and standard works on the Revolutionary 
and pre-Revolutionary eras there is a singular failure to 
give any adequate account of the part taken by Penn- 
sylvania in the struggles of those days, or of the in- 
fluence of her statesmen and soldiers in moulding the 
national policy. 

Impressed with a belief that such opinions are not 
without foundation, and with the hope of calling the 
attention of students to what I venture to term certain 
"lost" chapters of our American history, I prepared 
some time ago a biography of that illustrious Pennsyl- 
vania statesman John Dickinson, — a man who for 
various reasons is little known tp^^his ,gene:ration, but 
who, in the formative period of,oarhistOt'y>. so guided 
the policy of the country that his cojuti-olling influence 
is readily recognized as shaping that policy from the 
date of the Stamp Act to that of, thq Declaration of 

With the same object in view I now present another 
chapter of that neglected history, that which relates to 
the achievements of a most distinguished soldier of 
Pennsylvania, — General Anthony Wayne. 

The materials for a memoir of General Wayne, 



which are exceedingly abundant and valuable, have 
been preserved with great care by his family, and are 
now deposited with the collections of the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania. A study of these papers has 
enabled me to give to the public a full and, I hope, a 
trustworthy account of the career of General Wayne. 
These papers embrace copies of the letters written by 
him during his campaigns, or rather the rough draughts 
of those letters, letters received by him from the most 
eminent personages of the Revolution, and many other 
documents illustrating his life. My object has been to 
allow these letters to tell their own story, connecting 
them only by such an account of the events of the 
time as may seem necessary to explain the true value 
and character of General Wayne's achievements and 
those of the men he commanded, — for the most part 
officers and soldiers of the Pennsylvania line. 

On the death of General Wayne in 1 796 his papers 
passed into the possession of his son, Colonel Isaac 
Wayne. Colonel Wayne was a man deeply imbued 
with filial reverence for the memory of his father, and 
with ii vet-y high conqeption of the glory which he had 
achieved by his" niihtiai-y exploits. In 1829 he printed 
in a magazine c^lfecj "The Casket" a brief memoir of 
his father, iUpstrated'by numerous letters of the general, 
then, for the first ji'me, made public, which were at once 
recognized as extremely valuable and interesting con- 
tributions to our Revolutionary history. Not satisfied 
with this, however, he asked at different times two of 
his friends, the Hon. Charles Miner and the Hon. 
Joseph J. Lewis, of West Chester, to complete the 
work which he had begun. Neither of these gentle- 


men seems to have been able to comply fully with his 
request, although it appears that each of them wrote 
portions of a memoir of General Wayne. The " Sup- 
plementary Chapter" in this book was prepared by Mr. 
Lewis, and I think no one who reads it can help feeling 
regret that he did not write "The Life of General 
Wayne" with the same spirit which inspired this chapter 
of it. 

The only printed account of any of General Wayne's 
achievements which is fully illustrated by his own letters 
is the story of the capture of Stony Point in 1779 by 
the late Mr. Henry B. Dawson. This work is in the 
shape of a paper read before the Historical Society of 
New York in 1863. ^^ ^^^ privately printed, — only 
two hundred and fifty copies having been struck off. 
It seems to me one of the fullest and most satisfactory 
narratives of a great historical event with which I am 

The gentlemen above named have left their work 
unfinished. They have given us but a glimpse or an 
outline of the character and career of our illustrious 
soldier. With the material at my disposal I have felt it 
a duty which I owed not only to the memory of Gen- 
eral Wayne, but also to the reputation of the State 
whose son he was, to make an effort to complete the 
work which others have begun, and to portray the 
general as he appeared to our fathers, — a typical hero. 

It is much to be regretted that the material for il- 
lustrating the career of many of the brave men he 
commanded has not, after diligent search, proved as 
abundant as that which has been preserved for bring- 
ing before us the life of their chief. 


I must express my great obligations to the librarian 
of the Historical Society, Mr. F. D. Stone, for his care- 
ful supervision of the text of my book, as well as to 
those kind friends of the Society who have aided me 
in completing the work while suffering from an attack 
of illness. 

March, 1893. 


CHAPTER I.— (Pages 1-23.) 


Position of General Wayne in American History, i. Sketch of his Family and 
Character of his Early Training, 4. Sent to Nova Scotia as a Surveyor — 
Work there, 8. Return to Waynesborough, and Marriage, 10. Beginnings 
of the Revolution in Pennsylvania, 13. Wayne's Position before the Out- 
break, 14. Chester County under his Leadership, 17. Raises a Battalion 
for the Continental Service, and is appointed Colonel, 1 8. The Revolutionary 
Sentiment in Chester County, 21-23. 

CHAPTER 1 1.— {Pages 24-59.) 


Efforts of Congress to secure the Sympathy and Aid of the Canadians, 25. The 
Quebec Act, 26. Wayne's Regiment sent to reinforce Sullivan and Arnold, 
28. Battle of the Three Rivers, 29. Wayne's Conduct in the Retreat, 31. 
The Army retires to Ticonderoga, and Wayne placed in Command, 34. 
Letters describing his Life there and the Condition of the Garrison, 35-59. 

CHAPTER III.— (P^^^j 60-134.) 


Wayne appointed Brigadier-General, 60. Joins Washington's Army at Morris- 
town, 61. Organization of the Pennsylvania Troops in that Army, 62. The 
Fabian Policy of Washington at Morristovirn, 63. Condition of the Army, 
64-67. Political Condition of Pennsylvania, 67-71. The British Army em- 
bark for the Chesapeake, 72. The Americans move towards the Head of 
that Bay, 74. Wayne's Plan of Attack before Brandywine, 75. The Battle 
of the Brandywine, and the Conduct of Wayne's Division of the Pennsylvania 
Line, 77-80. The British move towards the Upper Fords of the Schuylkill, 
81. Washington's Pursuit, 82. " Paoli Massacre," and Wayne's Defence 
before the Court-Martial, 83-92. The Battle of Gemiantown, and the Part 
taken in it by Wayne and the Pennsylvania Line, 93-9S. Pennsylvania 



Regiments at Brandywine and Germantown, 98-102. Siege and Defence of 
Fort Mifflin, 103-106, Wayne's Anxiety that more Active Measures should 
be adopted, 106-I12. Condition of Affairs at Valley Forge during the 
Winter, 1 12-128. Foraging in New Jersey, 128-134. 

CHAPTER IV.— (/'a^^j 135-181.) 


Evacuation of Philadelphia by the British Army, and the Pursuit of Washington, 
135-140. Council of War at Hopewell, 141. Wayne's Letters to the Com- 
mander-in-Chief urging Active Measures, 143. Battle of Monmouth, 144- 
154. Delusions concerning the French Alliance, 155-158. Sufferings of 
the Army during the Winter of 1778-79, 159. Demoralization of Congress 
and the State Assembly, 161. Provisions made for the Wants of the Army, 
162-165. Violence of Party Feeling in Pennsylvania, 165. Difficulties 
connected with the Appointment of St. Clair to supersede Wayne in Com- 
mand of the Pennsylvania Line, 167-171. Disputes about Rank, 173-179- 
General Wayne promised the Command of a New Light Infantry Corps, 
180, 181. 

CHAPTER v.— (i'a^^j 182-210.) 


Value of Stony Point as a Strategetical Position, 182-184. Light Infantry Corps 
under Wayne's Command — How made up, 185. Reconnoissance by Wash- 
ington, and his Orders to assault the Fortress, 186-189. Wayne's Order of 
Battle, 190. His Last Letter to Delany, 193. Assault and Capture, 193- 
197. Special Military Qualities exhibited by Wayne and his Troops on this 
Occasion, 202-206. Origin of the Sobriquet " Mad Anthony," 207-210. 

CHAPTER N\.—{^Pages 2\x-2(>2.) 
Arnold's treason, and the revolt of the Pennsylvania line. 

Attachment of the Officers of the Light Infantry to General Wayne as shown on 
the Disbandment of the Corps, 211-215. Gloomy Prospects for the Cam- 
paign of 1780, 216. Expedition against the Block-House at Bergen, 219- 
222. Wayne's Letters to Washington and President Reed at this Crisis, 223. 
Renewed Disputes about Rank, 229-232. Part taken by the Pennsylvania 
Line in counteracting the Effect of Arnold's Treason, 233. Signs of Mutiny 
in the Line, and Causes thereof, 239. Narrative of the Revolt, 242. Its 
Result, 244. Substantial Justice of the Demands of the Soldiers, 246-250. 
Irish-Americans in the Line, 248. Wayne's Conduct during the Revolt, 251. 
Correspondence relating thereto, 252-262. 


CHAPTER VII.— (i'a^^j 263-285.) 


Wayne in Command of a Detachment of the Line sent to reinforce General 
Greene in South Carolina, 264. Mutinous Spirit of the Soldiers, 265, 266, 
Ordered to join La Fayette in Virginia, 267-270. Battle of Green Spring, 
271-275. Washington's Plans for the Capture of Cornwallis, 277-280. Re- 
ception of the French Allies, 282, 283. Siege and Surrender of Yorktown, 
284, 285. 

CHAPTER VIII.— (Pfl-^^j 286-299.) 


Wayne joins General Greene in South Carolina, 281. Sent to Georgia to estab- 
lish the Authority of the United States, 287. His Force, 288, His Plans 
for the Reduction of Savannah, 289. Defeats the Garrison and the Indians 
in their Attempt to form a Junction, 288-290. Wayne's Strategy during the 
Campaign, 291-293. Evacuation of Savannah, 291. Wayne appointed a 
Major-General by Brevet, 293-295. Correspondence concerning the Society 
of the Cincinnati, 296, 297. Disbandment of the Army, 297. Mutiny of 
the Lancaster Recruits, and Conduct of Wayne's Troops on their Return 
Home, 298, 299. 

CHAPTER I y..—{_Pages 300-314.) 


Wayne's Return to Pennsylvania — Welcomed by his Old Friends, 300, 301. 
Elected a Member of the Council of Censors, and his Course, 301-303. 
Elected a Member of Assembly in 1784 and 1785, 303. His Course in Re- 
gard to the Repeal of the Test and Confiscation Acts, 304. Nature of these 
Acts, 305-308. Financial Troubles and the Georgia Plantation, 309-313. 
Wayne returned as a Member of Congress from Georgia, 314. 

CHAPTER X.—CPa^^j 315-348.) 


Wayne appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Army, and Difficulties of his Posi- 
tion, 316. The Country northvi'est of the Ohio, and the Efforts made to 
conciliate the Indians in Possession of it, 317. Harmar's Expedition, 318. 
St. Clair's Expedition and Defeat, 319. Reorganization of the Army under 
Wayne — Legion of the United States, 321. Wayne's Preparations for a 
Campaign in Ohio, and Embarrassments, 322-326. Wayne's Magnanimous 


Spirit, 327. Acivance to Fort Recovery, 328, and to the Rapids of the 
Miami, 329, 330. Signal Victory over the Indians, 331-336. Fruits of the 
Victory — Treaty of Greeneville, 337, 338. Wayne's Triumphal Return to 
Philadelphia, 339, 340. Effect of his Campaign on the Adoption of Jay's 
Treaty, 341. Wayne appointed Commissioner to receive the Surrender of 
the Forts, 342. His Sickness and Death at Presqu'isle, 343, 344. Inscrip- 
tion on his Monument, 345. General Sketch of his Character and Services, 

SUPPLEMENTARY C H APT ER.—(Pa^^j 349-373.) 

Ceremonies at the Reinterment of General Wayne's Remains at St. David's, 350. 
His Estate, 351-354. His Will, 355. Mr. Irving's Estimate of Wayne's 
Military Genius, 356. Characteristics of his Generalship, 357-360. His 
Conduct during Councils of War, 361, 362. Origin of the Sobriquet "Mad 
Anthony," 364, 365. General Sketch of Wayne's Character and Peculiari- 
ties as an Officer, 365-368. Colonel Isaac Wayne the Younger, 370. His 
Efforts to prepare a Suitable Memoir of his Father, 372. General Wayne's 
Descendants, 373. 



Appendix I. Promotions in General Wayne's Division, December 20, 1777 . 375 
" II. Arrangement of the Officers of the Pennsylvania Line (Wayne's 

Division, Eight Regiments), August, 1778 .... 376 
" III. Arrangement of the Officers of the Pennsylvania Line, January, 

1781 (Six Regiments) 383 

" IV. Muster-RoU of the Officers in the Legion of the United States, 

1793 389 

" V. Stony Point Documents ........ 396 

" VI. Description of Medals voted by Congress for the Capture of 

Stony Point 416 




The renewed interest which has of late been awa- 
kened in the study of American history, and especially 
in the history of the Revolution, has drawn attention 
to the wonderful career of General Wayne. By many 
his memory is cherished as that of a popular idol ; still, 
not much seems to be known of his character and 
achievements even in his native State, where his fame 
should have been preserved as a precious heritage. 
Some, it is true, recall the strange sobriquet of " Mad 
Anthony" by which he was known in his lifetime, and 
are curious to know how it happened that a man who 
accomplished such great deeds should have been called 
a madman. Others have not forgotten that he was the 
most brilliant and picturesque figure in the Revolu- 
tionary army, with the possible exception of the young 
Marquis de La Fayette. Those also who have read 
in the history of the Revolution of the most striking 
and wonderful exploit of the war, the midnight assault 
of Stony Point under Wayne's leadership, or of the 
manner in which he restored the fortunes of the day at 
Monmouth, or of the extraordinary ability with which, 
supported by an insignificant force, he contrived to 
rescue the State of Georo^ia from the British and their 



Indian allies in one campaign of three months' duration, 
naturally seek to know something of the character of a 
man whose life was rendered illustrious by these and 
similar exploits. Here is a man whose career extends 
from fiorhtinof with well-trained British soldiers in Can- 
ada to the successful blockade of the English garrison at 
Savannah, from the desperate conflict at Monmouth to 
the final conquest and subjugation of the Indians of the 
Northwest ; who, beginning as a surveyor and a simple 
farmer of Chester County, raised one of the first regi- 
ments in Pennsylvania for the Continental army, and 
closed his career twenty years later as the General Com- 
manding-in-Chief of the Armies of the United States, 
appointed to that high office by Washington himself; 
yet, according to the editor of the most voluminous 
and accurate history of the country which has been 
published, " his life is yet to be written." It seems that 
the time has come when an effort should be made to 
portray him as he really was, and not as he appears in 
the popular legend, which in many respects is mislead- 
ing, and to give some account of his career, gathered 
chiefly from his correspondence, which presents his 
career not merely as a soldier, but as a patriot, in the 
most striking- and attractive light. 

To get a true view of Wayne's life, however, we must 
at the outset divest our minds of certain prepossessions 
concerning his career which usually make up the whole 
of the picture presented to us, but which form in reality 
only the background of that of which Wayne is the 
central figure. There is a general impression, for in- 
stance, that he was simply a beau sabreur, — a sort of 
reckless dare-devil, who could be relied upon, and was 


at all times called upon, to lead with unshrinking cour- 
age the most desperately dangerous operations. People 
forget that he many times proved to the satisfaction of 
his great chief not merely that he was impetuous in 
action, but that while he was quick in conception and 
prompt in execution he was most cautious and careful 
in preparation and unfailing in resources. If we are to 
judge Wayne simply as an intrepid leader for whom 
personal danger had a certain positive charm, and not 
as a great soldier possessing that rare combination of 
qualities which go to make up the illustrious gen- 
eral, we shall fall into great error. We might as well 
regard Sheridan, for instance, as he restored the for- 
tunes of the day and rallied his army in the valley of 
the Shenandoah, as having thereby established his fame 
as a great general, or judge Grant as a general by 
the brilliant operations which led to the surrender of 

The very brilliancy of Wayne's reputation as a fight- 
ing general has somewhat blinded the eyes of his coun- 
trymen to those military qualities which he possessed 
in common with all great soldiers. For the moment it 
is only necessary to say that no important strateget- 
ical movement was undertaken by Washington while 
Wayne was under his command without consulting 
him. His illustrious chief knew that he could trust 
him thoroughly for the execution of his part in any plan 
assigned to him, for his heart was in his work ; every 
faculty of his mind was bent to its accomplishment, and 
he never disappointed those who trusted him. 

The career of General Wayne has for us in this 
State a special interest. Not only is his fame part of 


the heritage of glory in achieving our national inde- 
pendence of which we, as Pennsylvanians, may justly 
claim our share, but we can never forget that his great 
deeds were achieved by the aid of the men of Pennsyl- 
vania, whom he had trained as soldiers, and who, under 
his command, throughout the Revolution formed a 
corps d' elite in the American army called "the Pennsyl- 
vania line." The services of these men, rendered with 
a courage which never failed amidst all the dangers 
and trials of the Revolutionary campaigns, have been 
in a great measure unchronicled, or the story is told in 
documents and correspondence which have never been 
printed. It seems that the present is a fit time, when, 
as we have said, a new interest appears to have been 
aroused in our Revolutionary history, that an effort 
should be made to do away with that self-reproach 
which always oppresses us as we stand over the graves 
of our forgotten heroes and strive to bring before our 
minds a true picture of the deeds of those who suffered 
and died that we might live. Surely State pride, if not 
reverence for their memory, founded upon gratitude 
for their services, should teach us to honor these men 
by recounting their achievements as well as those of 
their intrepid leader. 

The family of Wayne was originally of English 
stock, and at the time of the outbreak of the Revolu- 
tion it had been seated for three generations in Ches- 
ter County. The grandfather of the general during 
the reign of Charles II. had removed his family from 
Yorkshire and had taken possession of an estate in 
the County Wicklow in Ireland. He was a Protes- 
tant, and joined the forces of William of Orange in his 


contest with King James II. He commanded a troop 
of dragoons in the service of King William at the 
battle of the Boyne, and he greatly distinguished him- 
self by his gallantry in that decisive battle. It is said 
that the ancestor of General William Irvine, Wayne's 
distinguished Lieutenant, had been an officer in the 
same battle. Wayne was not of the race called, in 
our classification of the population of Pennsylvania, the 
Scotch-Irish, as were so many of his friends and neigh- 
bors in Chester County, Wicklow being a part of Ire- 
land into which the translated Scotch never penetrated. 
For some reason which it is now impossible to explain, 
his grandfather gave up his estate in Ireland and came 
to Pennsylvania in 1722, one of the years in which a 
great tide of Scotch-Irish emigration flowed in upon us 
from the northern part of that kingdom. The elder 
Wayne brought with him four sons, who are said to 
have been carefully educated at home, and with them, it 
would appear, a considerable worldly substance. In the 
year 1724 he purchased an estate in Chester County 
of nearly sixteen hundred acres on the border of that 
most beautiful of valleys, the great valley of that county, 
which he called Waynesborough. Upon his death this 
estate was divided among his sons ; his youngest, Isaac, 
the father of the future general, receiving as his share 
about five hundred acres, which, by a strange coinci- 
dence, lay near by the spot known in after-years as the 
scene of the Paoli massacre. Isaac Wayne is described 
as having been a man of strong mind and of great in- 
dustry and enterprise. He frequently represented the 
county of Chester in the Provincial Assembly, and as a 
commissioned officer distinguished himself in expedi- 


tions against the Indians." After a long life of useful- 
ness to his country, to his family, and to his friends, he 
died in 1774, leaving one son and two daughters.^ His 
only son, Anthony, was born at Waynesborough, in the 
township of Easttown, in Chester County, on the ist 
of January, 1745. 

Of Anthony Wayne it may be said, if it can be truly 
said of any one, that he was born with the instinct of 
a soldier. He had all his mother's force of character 
and his father's love for military adventure and enter- 
prise. He seems from the first to have been a manly 
and self-reliant boy, although hardly taking kindly to 
the course of instruction designed for him by his father. 
His uncle Gilbert, whose pupil he was, found that he 
had litde taste for the study of the ancient languages, 
then, as it is nov/, the basis of all truly liberal educa- 
tion, but that he made great progress in the elementary 
mathematics. As a boy his ambition seems to have 
been to lead the life and do the work of a soldier. His 
uncle writes to his father, " What he may be best quali- 
fied for I know not. He may perhaps make a soldier. 
He has already distracted the brains of two-thirds of the 
boys under my charge by rehearsals of battles, sieges, 
etc. During noon, in place of the usual games and 
amusements, he has the boys employed in throwing up 

' Captain Isaac Wayne was a captain in the Provincial service, 
commissioned by Governor Morris, and was stationed during the 
winter of 1756 first at Nazareth and afterwards at Fort Allen. He 
married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Iddings, of Chester County, 
who is spoken of as a woman of remarkable force and earnestness of 

' Moore's Life of Wayne, p. 8. 


redoubts, skirmishing, etc." Thus early did the hero 
of Stony Point show the unmistakable bent of his 
genius. We may remember that many generals in 
embryo, Napoleon foremost of them all, have been 
distinguished in their boyhood by just such decided 
tastes ; moreover, that the preference of such boys 
has generally been for mathematical rather than for 
classical studies. 

Wayne's wise father, while probably recognizing the 
very strong bent of his son's mind for a military life, 
was perfectly aware that no such career was open in 
the British army for a provincial without a home influ- 
ence such as he could not command. He therefore 
made up his mind to try once more to train him in clas- 
sical studies. He was accordingly sent, when sixteen 
years old, to the Academy in Philadelphia, no doubt 
with the expectation that a change of school studies 
would bring about a change of tastes. Apparently the 
hoped-for result was not attained." His fondness for 
an out-of-door life and for mathematical studies was at 
this time his strong characteristic, and led him at last, 
as his hopes of becoming a soldier vanished, to adopt 
the profession of a surveyor. In those days this occu- 
pation resembled in this country more nearly that of a 
soldier than any other, and the adventurous life which 
the surveyor was forced to lead in the wilderness in 
the practice of his profession, the discipline in which he 
was trained by the dangers, hardships, and constant 
vigilance which made up part of his daily occupation, 
formed an excellent preparation for his future work as 

^ His name is not found among those of the matriculates of the 


a soldier. Such was the school in which Washington 
was trained, and in it Wayne acquired the qualities of 
a true soldier. In those days the country in which the 
surveyor was called upon to do his work of tracing 
courses and distances and settling boundaries was for the 
most part a dense and untrodden forest, often occupied 
by hostile Indians. While thus in the performance of 
his duty he led a life of constant exposure and hard- 
ship, his body became hardened and disciplined, and 
his mind ready and resourceful in times of difficulty. 

Young Wayne seems to have gained reputation as a 
surveyor rapidly. We find that before he was twenty- 
one years old he was employed to survey and settle — 
that is, to colonize — two vast tracts of wild lands which 
had been purchased by Dr. Franklin and his associ- 
ates, capitalists in Philadelphia, in Nova Scotia. No 
better proof could be given of the character which he 
had already established than that he, a mere boy in 
years, should have been employed upon such an errand 
of colonization by a man as sagacious as Dr. Franklin. 
These lands had been purchased in 1765 under the im- 
pression that the peace of 1763 opened a large and 
profitable field of English enterprise in that quarter.' 

Wayne was sent to Nova Scotia by these gentlemen 
not merely to survey their lands and to fix their bound- 

' It appears from the records of the Crown Land Office at Hali- 
fax that on the 31st of October, 1765, a grant passed under the seal 
of the Province for one hundred thousand acres on the St. John's 
River to Alexander McNutt, Matthew Clarkson, Edward Duffield, 
Gerardus Clarkson, John Nagle, Benjamin Franklin, Anthony 
Wayne, and various others, and on the same day a grant was made 
to the same parties of one hundred thousand acres on the Piti- 
coodzack River. 


aries, but also to establish upon them a colony of set- 
tlers who would cultivate them, — a most remarkable 
proof, as we have said, of the confidence which Wayne 
as a young man was able to inspire. Of course 
Nova Scotia at that time was an untracked and un- 
known wilderness, and it speaks well for Wayne's 
courage and adventurous spirit that he was willing 
to embark on so formidable an undertaking. We are 
unfortunately without the means of knowing the course 
he pursued in overcoming the obstacles which were 
interposed in the way of performing the duties assigned 
to him, but It is very clear that he could only have 
maintained himself at all in his position by the exercise 
of great force of character. As the agent of the com- 
pany he seems to have justified the confidence reposed 
in him. The following are the points recommended to 
this boy to be observed, by the principal agent of the 
associates, Mr. John Hughes, a great favorite of Dr. 
Franklin's, who had been appointed through the Doc- 
tor's Influence distributor of stamps for this district. 
He was told to ascertain whether "the land proposed to 
be bought and settled upon was, i. Good & supplied 
with navigable waters. 2. To observe where were the 
heads of navigation In Rivers, that is, the tide. 3. Con- 
venient places for ferries. 4. Passes through the moun- 
tains. ^. Iron ore & cole mines. 6. Mill Seats & 
other waterworks. 7. Places where the roads meet. 
8. Beaches or Islands with black sand washed up. 9. 
Mast lands or pure swamps. 10. Lime stone or other 
stones. II. Meadow lands and marsh. 12. Large 
Springs or any mineral Springs." A pretty extensive 
catalogue of subjects to be Investigated and reported 


Upon by a boy, even If he was as promising as young 

In the course of a year he had not only made a first 
survey of the lands, but had led into the wilderness 
and settled in their new home a colony abundantly pro- 
vided with implements of husbandry and provisions. 
He continued in charge of this settlement until 1767, 
when the company, finding, it is said, its operations 
menaced by the controversy which had arisen between 
the mother-country and the Colonies, abandoned its 
scheme of colonization. It Is worth while to recall this 
period of Wayne's early life, for what he went through 
during the two years he was engaged in this work 
proved invaluable in the military career he was des- 
tined to follow. 

Having given up his position as superintendent of 
the Nova Scotia lands and returned home, he was mar- 
ried in May, 1766, to the daughter of Mr. Bartholomew 
Penrose, a prominent merchant of Philadelphia. From 
that time until the outbreak of the Revolution he culti- 
vated his farm at Waynesborough, and established, be- 
sides, an extensive tannery upon it. He was regarded 
by his neighbors, young as he was, owing to his exten- 
sive experience, as an expert surveyor, whose profes- 
sional opinion upon the various perplexing questions 
which arise in a newly-settled country In regard to 
boundaries was received as of final authority. During 
these years he grew In the affections and confidence of 
his neighbors, and was recognized as a leader among 
a population of unusual Intelligence and public spirit. 
He was chosen to fill several unimportant county offices, 
and when the first murmur of resistance to the minis- 


terial measures was heard in 1774, his counsel was re- 
garded as that of a recognized interpreter of pubhc 
opinion in Chester County. His father died during 
this year, and he is spoken of in the address of con- 
dolence sent by the officers of the regiment which the 
son was then organizing, as a " man conspicuously 
friendly to the great cause now depending between 
Great Britain and her Colonies." From this address, 
and from other circumstances, we may infer that the 
father was a shining example of that patriotic devotion 
with which the son's whole career was inspired. The 
death of his father, of course, brought new duties and 
responsibilities to the future general. His inheritance 
increased his stake in the country's destiny, but neither 
the responsibilities which he incurred by the course of 
action which he pursued, nor the dangers which men- 
aced his private interests, cooled for a moment the en- 
thusiasm with which he resisted the claims of ministerial 

The immediate cause of the outbreak of the Revolu- 
tion was, it will be remembered, the retaliatory meas- 
ures taken by the British Ministry to punish the town 
of Boston for the destruction of the tea sent thither 
in December, 1773, and the refusal of its people to 
make any compensation to the East India Company 
for the loss thereby incurred. The method taken by 
the Bostonians of protesting against sending taxable 
tea to that place, by permitting a mob to throw it into 
the harbor, and afterwards refusing to compensate the 
owners of the tea for its loss, was not generally ap- 
proved by the malcontents outside of New England, 
or, indeed, even outside of Boston itself. The country 


had been practically unanimous in its opposition to the 
measures which had led the Ministry to permit the ex- 
portation of the tea to this country, and in all the Colo- 
nies on the sea-coast arrangements had been made to 
prevent an attempt to land it and to enforce its with- 
drawal. The object of the patriots at this time was to 
keep strictly within the limits of law and order, hoping- 
thereby that their petitions for a redress of grievances 
would be more readily listened to. The riotous conduct 
of the mob in Boston disappointed these hopes, and the 
destruction of the tea and the refusal of compensation 
were regarded as "untoward events" by meetings held 
throughout Pennsylvania, as well as by the Assembly of 
that Province. The steadiness of the people here in 
their opposition to the measures of the Ministry was 
not affected by these proceedings. Still less was there 
any disposition manifested to follow the example of 
Boston. We had in Philadelphia prevented the landing 
of the tea sent to this port in a different way. 

It is most important, in order to understand the course 
of the events In the early history of the Revolution, to 
remember that different sections of the country were 
led Into the revolt by different motives, and that they had 
different objects which they hoped to accomplish by It. 
Thus, the destruction of the tea was not regarded here, 
as we are told it was in Boston, by the latest New Eng- 
land writer of American history,^ as a " colossal event" 
and as "the most magnificent movement of all," but 
rather, so far as the Influence of such acts upon the 
most important of all questions of that time was con- 

^ See Fiske's American Revolution, vol. i. p. 85. 


cerned, the union of the Colonies in opposition to the 
Ministry, as constituting a stupendous blunder. We 
had no intention here, at least, to vindicate what is 
called "the supreme assertion of the most fundamental 
principle of political freedom" in this way. 

Still, here, as in all parts of the country, there was 
deep sympathy for the distress into which Boston had 
been plunged by the riotous conduct of some of her 
people. She was punished, as is well known, by every 
means which the ingenuity of the Ministry could devise 
" to chastise her insolence," as it was called. She 
suffered all the evils incidental to a modern state of 
siege, which, to a commercial town like Boston, meant 
ruin. It was felt that she was indeed suffering in the 
common cause, and people here, without stopping to 
inquire how much of all this was due to her own act, 
felt that the best method of relieving her was to send 
her provisions in her distress and to urge the repeal of 
the Acts of Parliament which had made such a state 
of things possible. 

In Philadelphia in the June of that year (1774) a 
town meeting was held in which such was the line of 
opposition to the ministerial measures marked out. 
Committees of Correspondence and of Safety were 
named, and vigorous efforts were made to organize 
the popular sentiment of the Province in a constitu- 
tional opposition to the acts of the Ministry. The 
attempt was successful. The Assembly in September, 
1774, although many Quakers were members of it, 
with surprising unanimity adopted the Whig policy of 
asking for a redress of grievances, and the first Con- 
tinental Congress in its proceedings pursued the same 


policy, although it was induced by a false rumor of the 
bombardment of Boston by General Gage to promise 
to support her cause by force. 

The policy adopted during the summer of 1774 in 
Philadelphia was quickly responded to from all parts 
of the Province, Nowhere was the counsel which the 
leaders in that city had given more quickly followed 
than in Chester County, and in no man in that county 
was the determination to resist the action of the 
Ministry with arms in his hands, if necessary, more 
completely embodied than in Anthony Wayne. He 
was emphatically the leader of the opponents to the 
ministerial acts. He was chairman of the County 
Committee which proposed the resolutions condemning 
the course of the Ministry adopted by the freemen of 
that county on the 13th of July, 1774. He was also 
chairman of the committee appointed to carry out the 
recommendations of the Assembly in reference to a 
military organization and non-importation agreement ; 
he was a member of the Provincial Convention which 
met in January, 1775, to encourage domestic manufac- 
tures in anticipation of the effect of the non-importation 
of English goods ; he was the author of the propo- 
sition in May, 1775, that the freemen of the county 
should be organized for military purposes. In June 
he became one of the members of the Provincial Com- 
mittee of Safety, in July a member of the Provincial 
Convention, and in October a member of the Com- 
mittee of Correspondence. He was put forward in 
December by his friends as a proper person to repre- 
sent his county in the Assembly for the next year. 
During the whole of this busy year, and while engaged 


in these methods of organizing the opposition, he was 
occupied also in recruiting a regiment in Chester for 
the Continental service, in pursuance of the Act of 
Congress calling upon Pennsylvania for her quota of 
troops. By the close of the year the ranks of this 
regiment (Fourth Battalion) were filled, and on the 
recommendation of the Committee of Safety he was, 
on the 3d of January, 1776, appointed its colonel, and 
Francis Johnston its lieutenant-colonel. 

Wayne at this period must have been a singularly 
attractive person, very unlike the commonplace people 
who at that time made up an average farming com- 
munity. Everything about him seemed calculated to 
draw public attention to him and to render him popular, 
as It Is called, in the community in which he lived. He 
was just thirty years of age, a handsome, manly figure, 
and free and bold in the outspoken declaration of his 
opinions. He was a man of better education and of a 
wider knowledge of the world than most of his neigh- 
bors, and this superiority was recognized by them. He 
inspired confidence and gained adherents whenever he 
expressed his political opinions. He was known by 
all (a great point then, as It Is now) to be absolutely 
disinterested. We can recall but two of the higher 
officers of the army who served throughout the war, 
General Washington and the Marquis de La Fayette, 
who left larger private fortunes to risk all In the public 
cause than General Wayne.^ Removed in this way 

* The following memorandum was found on one of General 
Wayne's ledgers, dated March, 1784: "Mr. Shannon has sunk for 
me since the beginning of January 1776, upwards of _;;r24oo in stock, 
exclusive of the interest for near eight years. Had he managed my 


from any temptation to seek public office from sordid 
motives, he was trusted throughout the war by all 
whom he led, — his neighbors and townsmen as well 
as his soldiers. Certainly in the military family of no 
other general of the army was there to be seen such an 
affectionate intercourse as existed between Wayne and 
his subordinates. 

He had, of course, his failings and his weaknesses, 
conspicuous even in his early manhood. He seems to 
have been constitutionally a vain man, and to have ex- 
pressed himself from the beginning too often in an 
over-confident and boastful style, which was not always 
in good taste. Vanity is usually combined with offensive 
pretension, but Wayne all through his life was the type 
of truth, honor, and frankness ; and it may be remem- 
bered, too, that a good deal of his manner was due to a 
certain impetuous eagerness and impatience of nature 
which did not allow him always to measure his words. 
Of his perfect sincerity when he assumed this tone 
(which he did only when he proposed daring and 
hazardous deeds) there could be no doubt. His pe- 
culiarity was so well known in the army that he was 
never thought of merely as boastful when he adopted 
it, but simply it was looked upon as his method of 
urging desperate plans which seemed perfectly feasible 
to his ardent and impetuous temper. People may have 
laughed at his manner, but no one ever thought that 
he was less terribly in earnest in any scheme which he 
proposed because he used the language of hyperbole. 

stock in trade to the advantage which others have done in the course 
of the late war, I ought to have had at a moderate computation seven 
thousand pounds in stock in place of nothing. A. W." 


The record of the life of a man during the year of 
the outbreak of hostilities who afterwards occupied so 
prominent a position in the public service as did Wayne 
is indeed a most interesting and instructive one. It 
not only proves the depth and earnestness of his polit- 
ical convictions and the energy with which he main- 
tained them, but also exhibits the methods by which 
the armed opposition to the home government in this 
Province was organized under Wayne's direction. It 
will be observed that at the beginning of the year 1776 
there were soldiers of two distinct kinds raised in Penn- 
sylvania. The one was composed of battalions of " As- 
sociators," so called, in the Provincial service, the organ- 
ization of which resembled that of the militia of the other 
Colonies, except that the men composing the battalions 
were all volunteers. Of these battalions, fifty-three 
had been raised by this time in Pennsylvania, of which 
five came from Chester County. There were, besides, 
regiments enlisted here for the Continental service, and 
they differed from the Provincial battalions chiefly in 
this, that the men were to serve for a longer term, that 
the discipline was stricter and more regular, and that 
they were directly under the authority of Congress. In 
Chester County such was the patriotic ardor of the 
people that during the year 1775 the ranks of both the 
Provincial and the Continental battalions were rapidly 
filled. Of the five battalions of Associators raised there, 
commanded by Colonels Moore, Hockley, Lloyd, Mont- 
gomery, and Thomas, three were present at the battle 
of Long Island. They were stationed in the advance 
on both flanks of the army, with the Pennsylvania regi- 
ments of Atlee and Miles, and although they were nearly 



cut to pieces and many of the survivors were captured, 
they displayed a steadiness and courage in maintaining 
their position against overwhelming numbers which 
excited the admiration of the army. Caleb Parry, a 
Chester County man, and lieutenant-colonel in Atlee's 
regiment, who was killed in this battle, is said to 
have been the protomartyr of the Revolution among 
the Pennsylvania officers. 

As Wayne was recognized as a leader by the pa- 
triotic men of his county, he was chosen by the Com- 
mittee of Safety, without hesitation, colonel of the regi- 
ment which he had done so much to raise. He was 
known to all as a man of high character and of consid- 
erable substance, who at a great sacrifice had proved 
his patriotic zeal by outspoken acts of resistance to the 
Ministry, and whose loyal and persistent devotion to 
the cause through good report and evil report might be 
confidently expected. He and the officers of his regi- 
ment seem to have been animated by the same spirit 
during the war. Many of his subordinates became 
famous for their gallantry during the Revolutionary 
campaigns as officers in the Pennsylvania line. Johns- 
ton, Wood, Robinson, Frazer, Moore, North, Church, 
Lacey, and Vernon are familiar as the names of those 
who acquired by their deeds fame for themselves and 
credit for the State which had sent them to the field 
during the war, and they all began their military career 
as officers of Wayne's regiment. 

Different portions of the country were, as we have 
said, differently affected by the conduct of the Ministry 
previous to the Revolution. Although all agreed that 
their measures should be resisted, the methods and 


time and extent of that resistance were subjects con- 
cerning which, up to the date of the Declaration of 
Independence, scarcely any of the widely-separated 
sections of the country could agree. 

It Is worth considering for a moment how and why 
the revolutionary excitement had so deeply affected a 
population like that of the farmers of Chester County^ 
who had suffered no practical grievance, and who, there 
is no reason to doubt, were at that time (as they say In 
their resolutions In July, 1774) thoroughly loyal to the 
British crown, as to lead them to take up arms to main- 
tain their opinions. Wayne's action at this time is 
typical not only of his own opinions but of those of his 
neighbors and fellow-farmers, and Indeed of the rural 
population throughout the Province, and some account 
of their political Ideas affords the best explanation of 
what may seem Inconsistent In their conduct. 

No portion of the population in Pennsylvania was 
more completely law-abiding than that of Chester 
County. It was largely made up of Quakers, the de- 
scendants of the most prosperous of Penn's followers, 
many of them men of Welsh blood, with a sprinkling 
of Irish Protestants. From the reverence of these 
people for law, nothing seemed to them more illegal, 
and therefore wrong, than the enactment by Parliament 
since 1763 of no fewer than eleven statutes the main 
object of which was to give the English Ministry 
absolute control over the Colonies. This was their 
grievance, and to redress It, with no ulterior view what- 
ever, they thought, as their English ancestors had done, 
that the best plan was to negotiate with arms in their 
hands. Neither Wayne nor any of his neighbors were 


in any sense revolutionists or adventurers, nor, in 
the new-fangled phrase of the day, " Sons of Liberty." 
Wayne was their natural leader, but all his surround- 
ings made him a conservative. He was a young man 
who had just come into a handsome landed estate, who 
had been recently married, and who, if he had any 
political ambition, no doubt looked forward to main- 
taining that position in life which the influence of his 
wealth and education would command among his neigh- 
bors. Certainly he could never have dreamed of mili- 
tary distinction for himself as the possible outcome 
of the quarrel of which he had become a champion. 
His surroundings spoke of peace as the necessary con- 
dition of maintaining the material prosperity which was 
everywhere apparent. Even now, as one looks upon 
the fair prospect which opens before him in " the Great 
Valley" and its surrounding region, of cultivated farm, 
of comfortable homestead and picturesque woodland, 
stretching in the far distance towards the Schuylkill, 
everything around him suggesting thrift and a well- 
ordered community, he feels that there must have hap- 
pened something like a moral earthquake to rouse 
such a people to embark in the vicissitudes and calami- 
ties of war. And when he reflects that this valley was 
occupied at an early date by men of Anglo-Saxon 
blood and traditions, he finds an explanation of the two 
apjDarently contradictory expressions of their opinions 
at the outbreak of the Revolution, the one adopted 
July 13, 1774, the other in September, 1775. 

The first asserted the absolute right of every English 
subject to the enjoyment and disposal of his property, 
and that no power on earth could legally divest him of 


it ; and again, that the attempted invasion of that right 
was a grievance which should be redressed by consti- 
tutional means. What was meant by constitutional 
means is shown by the resolution adopted by the 
Committee in September, as follows : 

"In Committee. 

"Chester Co., Sep. 25, 1775. 

** Whereas, some persons evidently inimical to the liberty of 
America have industriously propagated a report that the military 
associators of this County in conjunction with the military associa- 
tors in general, intend to overturn the Constitution by declaring an 
independency in the execution of which they are aided by this 
Committee and the Board of Commissioners and Assessors with the 
arms now making for this County, and as such report could not 
originate but among the worst of men for the worst of purposes, 
This Committee have thought proper to declare, and they do hereby 
declare their abhorrence even of an idea so pernicious in its nature, 
as they ardently wish for nothing more than a happy and speedy 
reconciliation on constitutional principles with that State from 
whom they derive their origin. 

"By order. 

"Anthony Wayne, 

" Chairman.^ ^ 

These resolutions, while they express the opinions of 
a man who from the beginning to the end of the war 
never sheathed his sword, also show how much more 
slowly the people of Chester County, and of Pennsyl- 
vania generally, arrived at the ultima ratio than those 
of New England, and by what different routes. And no 
wonder. Here, with all earthly blessings around them, 
they had thus far suffered nothing from actual wrong 
committed, but they were roused by the violation of 
a constitutional principle, which begot a fear lest evil 


might happen to them in the future should the claims 
of the Ministry pass unchallenged. Their commerce 
had not been destroyed, the capital of their Province 
was not, like Boston, In a state of siege, no attempt had 
been made so to change their charter as to place them 
more fully under the control of the Ministry, their town 
meetings had not been forbidden, their system of se- 
lecting juries had not been interfered with, nor was the 
choice of officers once made by the people transferred 
to the appointment of the Ministry. Still, they took 
up arms, and protested, as Wayne's grandfather might 
have done when he joined King William's forces at the 
battle of the Boyne, '* that levying money for or to the 
use of the Crown by pretence of prerogative without 
due authority was illegal." And on this opposition to 
arbitrary methods they staked the issue, and sympa- 
thized with Boston as suffering in the common cause. 
Wayne, with a deep and abiding conviction that the 
only way to secure redress was to extort it, was a true 
conservative from the beginning to the end of the war. 
His letters, which are filled with expressions of un- 
dying love for his country and of evidences of a self- 
sacrificing devotion, will be searched in vain for a single 
revolutionary sentiment. At all times we shall see that 
this " Mad Anthony" was the slave of law. Nor must 
it be forgotten that neither Wayne nor his companions 
fought any the less earnestly or less successfully in the 
contest because such was their political creed. 

During the winter of 1776 Wayne was engaged at 
Chester in preparing his men for active service, and 
in bringing them under proper discipline. He began 
by punishing desertion severely. Before his regiment 


left Pennsylvania no less than six of its members were 
punished, some with fifteen and others with thirty-nine 
lashes, for this offence. All through his career Wayne 
was known for the strictness with which he enforced 
discipline, and to this practice was doubtless due in a 
great measure the efficiency of his men. Like many 
other officers in the army of the Revolution, Wayne 
appears to have studied, before he held command, the 
principles of strategy as laid down in such books as 
" Marshal Saxe's Campaigns" and ''The Commentaries 
of Caesar on the Gallic War," and in his letters are 
frequent allusions to the opinions of these masters of 
the art. There was a painful consciousness of igno- 
rance on the part of many of the officers of the high- 
est rank in the service on this subject, which sometimes 
led them to an indecision which was fatal, or, to what 
was almost as disastrous, a confidence in the opinions 
of Generals Gates and Charles Lee, who passed in 
the army of the Revolution as officers educated in a 
scientific knowledge of the art of war as practised in 
Europe. But a large fund of common sense, experi- 
ence, and perfect coolness in emergencies, rather than 
books on the art of war, tempered the zeal of Wayne, 
so that towards the close of his career, and especially 
during the campaign in Georgia, he was justly regarded 
as an accomplished strategist. 

There was one little piece of pardonable vanity with 
which he was charged in the beginning of his career, 
the details of which seem amusinor enouo-h when we 
recall the rough, hard work which his regiment had to 
do, and that was his apparent anxiety for the military 
appearance of the men of his regiment. In a letter to 


Washington he says, " I have an insuperable bias in 
favor of an elegant uniform and soldierly appearance, so 
much so that I would rather risk my life and reputation 
at the head of the same men in an attack, clothed and 
appointed as I could wish, merely with bayonets and a 
single charge of ammunition, than to take them as they 
appear in common with sixty rounds of cartridges. It 
may be a false idea, but I cannot help cherishing it." 
The disastrous campaign in Canada did not change his 
opinion of the necessity of keeping up appearances. 
In his orders of July 9, 1776, he tells his regiment that 
" a barber for each company shall be nominated for the 
purpose of shaving the soldiers and dressing their 
hair," and that " the colonel is determined to punish 
every man who comes on parade with a long beard, 
slovenly dressed, or dirty;" and again, "he hopes the 
officers will think it their duty to see that their men 
always appear washed, shaved, their hair plaited and 
powdered, and their arms in good order." It is char- 
acteristic of the care of Wayne for the appearance of 
his men that at the time this order was issued his regi- 
ment had just gone through a campaign in Canada (as 
will soon appear), where they had suffered from the 
roughest and hardest usage, and where they had lost 
almost everything belonging to them save their hair 
and their beards. 












The expedition to Canada in the spring and summer 
of 1776 was the first campaign in which the regiment 
of Colonel Wayne was engaged. It formed part of 
a brigade of Pennsylvanians commanded by General 
William Thompson, composed of the Second Battalion, 
under Colonel St. Clair, the Sixth, under Colonel Wil- 
liam Irvine, and the Fourth, under Colonel Wayne. It 
was sent by order of Congress to reinforce the army 
under Generals Montgomery and Arnold, which had 
been repulsed at Quebec. 

It is not easy fully to understand why such pro- 
digious efforts were made in the beginning of the Rev- 
olution to Induce the Canadians to join us In the revolt 
against the English government. There is no doubt 
that It was hoped not merely by the majority of the 
members of Congress, but also by men of the sagacity 
of Dr. Franklin and the calm judgment of Washing- 
ton, that some signal advantage would be gained to the 
American cause by the expeditions under the command 
of Montgomery and Arnold and the capture of Quebec. 
Faith in the result must have been very strong when 
the best troops under the bravest officers were sent 
on this far-distant and dangerous expedition, when the 
issue of the siege of Boston was as yet uncertain, 
when New York was threatened by the enemy, and 



when the ardor and zeal of the new levies before 
Boston had grown so cool that many of them were dis- 
gusted with the service and were ready to leave the 
army on the very day on which the short term of their 
engagement ended. It is true that Canada was poorly 
defended at the time, and had there been any prospect 
of our maintaining possession of the country there 
might have been some excuse for sending so many 
troops, commanded by our most gallant officers, to con- 
quer it. But in our eagerness we forgot that it was 
easy, whenever the St. Lawrence was navigable, to 
send by that river an overwhelming force brought from 
England against us. The impression seemed to be 
that once within the walls of Quebec, Canada was ours. 
Besides these miscalculations, we fell into two capital 
errors in planning such an expedition. One was that 
the Canadians were to the last degree discontented 
with the English government, owing to the provisions 
of the Quebec Act of 1774, and, secondly, that as good 
Catholics and Frenchmen they were thoroughly dissat- 
isfied with remainingr under the control of a foreigrn and 
Protestant Qrovernment. 

The Quebec Act, by which the Province was gov- 
erned, provided, with what has since proved singular 
wisdom, that as the body of the population was French 
it should be governed in the French and not in the 
English way. There was no representative assembly ; 
the people were ruled directly by the king through a 
governor appointed by him ; the old French law was 
recognized, especially in its regulation of land-tenures ; 
posts of honor were conferred upon the French Cath- 
olic nobles, and, more than all, for the first time since 


the Reformation the large Cathohc Church estates, the 
continued possession of which had been guaranteed by 
the treaty of 1763, were confirmed by the Act to the 
clergy. There was, it is true, much discontent on the 
part of both the French and the English inhabitants, the 
latter of whom were few in numbers compared with the 
former. The French, of course, disliked a foreign and 
alien rule, and the English felt that the great guaran- 
tees of liberty had been sacrificed in order to keep the 
Province tranquil. Congress, with the inborn instinct 
of English freemen, supposed that because the Quebec 
Act was distasteful to the thirteen Colonies it must 
necessarily be so to the people of Canada. Under this 
delusion the invasion of the Province was undertaken, 
the expectation being that the invaders would be greatly 
aided by the discontented inhabitants. This hope was 
in a great measure disappointed, and the result was that 
our troops were repulsed from the walls of Quebec, 
leaving no trace of their work there save the un- 
dying remembrance of their heroic valor. Congress 
was a good deal puzzled to account for the want of 
support given to the invasion, especially by the Cath- 
olic clergy, whose influence was all-powerful with the 
French population. They sent a commission to Canada 
to clear up the mystery, composed of Dr. Franklin, 
Mr. Carroll (afterwards Catholic archbishop of Balti- 
more), and Judge Chase. These gentlemen soon dis- 
covered that the clergy declined to interfere, thinking 
that the exercise of their religion, and especially the 
possession of the Church estates, would be safer under 
the guarantee of the treaty of 1763 than under the 
promises of religious toleration made by the American 


Congress. No doubt these priests in so acting were 
wise in their generation. 

Such was the condition of affairs in Canada when the 
second expedition was undertaken. Its principal object 
was to reinforce the troops already in that Province ; 
but where they would be found, or in what condition, 
no one could tell. A portion of Wayne's regiment 
was hurried forward by companies, but in such an un- 
prepared condition that it was not until the first week 
in May, upon reaching Albany, that they were provided 
with arms. Five companies of the regiment, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Johnston, were detained on Long 
Island as late as May 15 without arms, and without any 

prospect of receiving any other weapons than "d d 

tomahawks," to use the energetic language of their 
commander. On the 5th of June they reached the fort 
at the mouth of the Sorel in Canada, about half-way 
between Montreal and Quebec, and there they found 
the remnant of General Montgomery's army, which 
had retreated from Quebec, and the Pennsylvania Bri- 
gade, under General Thompson, which had preceded 
them in the retreat, the whole under the command of 
General Sullivan. The British force, under General 
Burgoyne, was at Three Rivers, some distance down 
the St. Lawrence. The army having been collected at 
the Sorel, Sullivan ordered General Thompson with the 
Pennsylvania Brigade to attack the British at Three 
Rivers. As this was the first battle of the Revolution 
in which Pennsylvania troops fought almost alone (Max- 
well's small New Jersey battalion being brigaded with 
it), and as it was Wayne's maiden battle, we annex his 
own account of it. 


Colonel Wayne to Dr. Franklin and others. 

Camp at Sorel 13th June 1776 
Dear Sir, — After a long march by land & water varied with De- 
lightful as well as Gloomy prospects we arrived here the night of 
the 5th Instant and on the 7th it was agreed in a council of war to 
attack the enemy at Three Rivers about 47 miles lower down, whose 
strength was estimated at 3 or 4 Hundred. Gen'l Thompson was ap- 
pointed for this Command, the Disposition was as follows 4 attacks 
to be made at the same time viz Col Maxwell to conduct the first, 
myself the second. Col St Clair the third, & Col Irvine the 4th 
Lie't Col Hartley the Reserves. 

On the same evening we Embarked and arrived at Col St Clairs 
Encampment about midnight — it was intended that the Attack 
shou'd be made at the dawn of day — this we found to be Imprac- 
ticable, therefor we Remained where we were until the 9th when 
we to the number of 1450 Men all Penns'lvanians except Maxwells 
Battalion took boats 

About 2 in the morning we landed nine Miles above the town, 
and after an Hour's march day began to appear. Our Guides had 
mistook the road, the Enemy Discovered and Cannonaded us from 
their ships, a Surprise was out of the Question — we therefore put 
our best face on it and Continued our line of march thro' a thick 
deep swamp three miles wide, and after four Hours Arrived at a 
more open piece of Ground — amidst the thickest firing of the ship- 
ping when all of a sudden a large Body of Regulars marched down 
in good Order Immediately in front of me to prevent our forming — 
in Consequence of which I Ordered my Light Infantry together 
with Capt Hay's Company of Riflemen to advance and amuse them 
whilst I was forming; they began and Continued the attack with 
great spirit until I advanced to support them when I ordered them 
to wheel to the Right & left and flank the Enemy at the same time 
we poured in a well Aimed and heavy fire in front as this — 

they attempted to Retreat in good Order 

ENEMY. St first but in a few minutes broke and ran 

in the utmost Confusion. About this time 
the Other Divisions began to Emerge from 
the swamp except Maxwell who with his 
was advanced in a thicket a Considerable Distance to the left — our 


Rear now becoming our front &c At this Instant we Rec'd a heavy- 
fire in flank from musketry, field pieces, Howitzers &c &c which 
threw us into some confusion, but was Instantly Remedied — We 
Advanced in Column up to their breast work's which till then we 
had not Discovered — at this time Gen'l Thompson with Cols St 
Clair, Irv^ine & Hartly were marching in full view to our support. 
Col Maxwell now began to Engage on the left of me, the fire was so 
hot he could not mantain his post — the other troops had also filed 
off to the left — my small Battalion composed of my own & two Com- 
panies of Jersey men under Major Ray amounting in the whole to 
about 200 were left exposed to the whole fire of the shipping in 
flank and full three thousand men in front with all their Artillery 
under the command of Gen'l Burgoyne — Our people taking ex- 
ample by others gave way — Indeed it was Imposible for them to 
stand it longer — Whilst Col Allen and myself were Employed in 
Rallying the troops Let. Col. Hartly had advanced with the Re- 
serves and bravely Attacked the Enemy from a thicket in a swamp 
to the left, this hardiness of his was of the Utmost Consequence to 
us — we having rallied about 800 men from the Different Regiments 
— we now sent to find the Gen'l and Other field Officers — at the 
same time the Rifle men of mine & Irvine's kept up a galling fire on 
the Enemy — the Swamp was so deep and thick with timber and 
underwood that a man 10 yards in front or Rear wou'd not see the 
men Drawn up — this was the Cause of the Gen'l, Col St Clair, Max- 
well & Irvine missing us — or perhaps they had taken for Granted 
that we were all cut off — Col Hartly who lay near by retreated 
without a Discovery on either side, until he Crossed our line near 
the left, which caused our people to follow him — Allen and myself 
were now left on the field with only twenty men & five Officers, the 
Enemy still Continuing their whole fire from Great and small guns 
upon us — but afraid to venture from their lines, we thought it pru- 
dent to keep them in play by keeping up a small fire in Order to 
gain time for our people to make good their Retreat in Consequence 
of which we Continued about an Hour longer in the field, and then 
Retreated back into the woods which brought us to a Road on the 
far side of the Swamp. We followed this Road about two miles 
when we cut loose from our small party & reached the Place where 
our people had enter'd the swamp by which means we soon Collected 


6 or 700 men with whom we Retreated in good Order but without 
nourishment of any kind. The Enemy who were Strong in number 
had Detached in two or three bodies about 1500 men to cut off our 
Retreat. They way laid & Engaged us again about 9 miles from the 
field of Battle, they did us little damage. We Continued our march, 
and the third day almost worn out with fatigue. Hunger, & Difi- 
culties, scarcely to be paralleld we arrived here with iioo men, but 
Gen'l Thompson Col Irvine Doc'r McCalla and several Ofificers are 
prisoners at Three Rivers — Col St Clair Arrived alone last night 
Their Separation from the Army (which appeared Indeed to be lost) 
was the cause of their misfortunes — I believe it will be Universally 
allowed that Col Allen & myself have saved the Army in Canada. 
Capt Robinson has proved himself the Soldier and the Gen'tm. his 
Conduct has outgone the most Sanguine hopes of his friends, out of 
150 of my own I have lost more than the One Quarter part — to- 
gether with Slight touch in my Right leg — which is partly well 
already, we shall have more business soon, our People are in high 
spirits and long for the Other bought as well as your H'l S't — 

Ant'y Wayne. 

So much for the battle of the Three Rivers. We 
now come to the retreat of the beaten army, and the 
prompt and skilful efforts made by Colonel Wayne to 
cover with it the escape of Arnold from Montreal, to 
which place the British army, successful at the Three 
Rivers, pushed forward at once. Arnold, on learning 
the approach of the enemy, had retreated from Mon- 
treal, and sent his aide-de-camp, Wilkinson, to Sullivan 
to ask that some of his men should be detached to 
aid him. In his search for Sullivan on the line of 
the retreat Wilkinson found the men whose aid he was 
sent to implore in a pitiable condition. We cannot do 
better than borrow his graphic account of what followed 
(Memoirs, vol. i. p. 51 et seq.) : 'T found every house 
and hut on my route crowded with straggling men 


without officers, and officers without men. The first 
officer of my acquaintance whom I met was Lieutenant- 
Colonel William Allen/ of the Second Pennsylvania. I 
informed him of my orders for a detachment. He re- 
plied, ' Wilkinson, this army is conquered by its fears, 
and I doubt whether you can draw any assistance from 
it ; but Colonel Wayne is in the rear, and if any one 
can do it he is the man.' On which I quickened my 
pace, and half an hour after I met that gallant soldier as 
much at his ease as if he was marching to a parade of 
exercise. He halted at the bridge and posted a guard, 
with orders to stop ever}' man, without regard to corps, 
who appeared to be active, alert, and equipped. In a 
short time a detachment was completely formed and in 
motion for Longueil (on the route to Montreal). The 
very men who only the day before were retreating in 
confusion before a division of the enemy now marched 
with alacrity against his main body." Shortly after- 
wards it was discovered that Arnold had escaped with- 
out the aid of Wayne's troops, and they were pushed 
on to join Sullivan. "Then," says Wilkinson, "our 
detachment was discovered advancing on the bank of 
the Sorel two miles below the fort. We were taken 
(by Sullivan) for the enemy, and great alarm and con- 
fusion ensued, the drums beat to arms, and General 
Sullivan and his officers were observed making great 
exertions to prepare for battle. Colonel Wayne halted 
his column, pulled out his glass, and seemed to enjoy 

' Colonel Allen, who behaved so gallantly at the battle of the 
Three Rivers, was one of the four sons of Chief Justice Allen, of 
Pennsylvania. After the Declaration of Independence was adopted 
he resigned his commission and entered the British service. 


the panic his appearance produced," etc. These oper- 
ations, disastrous in their results in many ways, seemed 
to show that there was at least one man in that army 
with the stuff of a true general in him. The coolness 
and readiness of resource which he exhibited, and the 
courage with which he was able in a short hour to recall 
a fleeing and panic-stricken rabble to the duty and dis- 
cipline of soldiers, find scarcely a parallel in the history 
of our Revolutionary campaigns. To understand fully 
Wayne's position, it must not be forgotten that in this 
battle and retreat Wayne commanded for the first time 
men who were brought also for the first time under 
the fire of the enemy. General Thompson and Colonel 
Irvine having been taken prisoners at the Three Rivers, 
and Colonel St. Clair having been wounded, the com- 
mand of the Pennsylvania troops during the difficult 
retreat from the Sorel to Ticonderoga devolved upon 
Colonel Wayne, himself, as we have seen, slightly 
wounded. They were closely pursued from St. John's 
to Lake Champlain by a British division under Bur- 
goyne, and it required all the activity and vigilance of 
the commander to enable his men to reach in safety 
first the Isle aux Noix, and afterwards Crown Point 
and Ticonderoga, where they determined to make a 
stand. The enemy, however, after destroying Arnold's 
fleet on the lake, and threatening Ticonderoga, de- 
ferred further operations until the next season. 

These operations in Canada had established the rep- 
utation of Colonel Wayne as an energetic officer, and 
no doubt led to his appointment on the i8th of Novem- 
ber, by General Schuyler, to the command of the fort 
at Ticonderoga with its dependencies, the second most 



important military post, as Wayne regarded it, in the 
country. The garrison consisted of about two thousand 
five hundred men, who were under his command during 
the winter. His labors, trials, and anxieties while sta- 
tioned at this post are most graphically described in his 
letters. They were written to private friends, who were 
naturally very anxious to know how he and his two 
thousand Pennsylvanians were faring while guarding 
this distant frontier. The style of these letters is very 
free and unconventional, but they are interesting as 
presenting a very striking picture of garrison life and 
its surroundings. The ever-confident and even at times 
boastful spirit so characteristic of Wayne is very con- 
spicuous in these letters, but it does not overshadow 
the real earnestness and enthusiasm of the patriot and 
the soldier. They embrace a great variety of subjects, 
including the position of the garrison at Ticonderoga, 
the condition of the Pennsylvania regiments there, the 
unhealthiness of the post, the difficulties arising from 
short enlistments, observations on the anarchical condi- 
tion of things then prevailing in Pennsylvania, and so 
forth. It is not possible to arrange them in a strictly 
chronological order, so as to make the story they tell 
clearer, but it seems to us that a selection from them 
will prove, in their unadorned simplicity, full of interest 
to those who desire to know how people felt and acted 
in the army and in Congress in the dark days of the 
Revolution. We copy those sent to his wife and to his 
brother-in-law. Colonel Penrose. The details he gives 
of his garrison life are interesting. The others ad- 
dressed to Dr. Franklin and other friends on the mili- 
tary and political situation are given because they are 


highly characteristic of the man, and show what work 
the Pennsylvania troops were doing on the Canada 


Colonel Wayne to Mrs. Mary Wayne. 

TiCONDEROGA 1 2th Aug't 1 776 

Dear Polly, — I wrote to you by the and sent a small pres- 
ent — he will be able to give you a particular acc't of this place 
and Army — but he will paint matters worse than they realy are — 
within these two days we have been Re-enforc'd by three Thousand 
new England militia; fresh provision is become more plenty than 
salt ; & our people have Recovered health and spirits — I have now 
the finest and best Regiment in the Continental Service — we are 
viewed with admiration and pleasure by all the Officers in the Army, 
and we have render' d our camp almost Impregnable — 

Fortune has heretofore been a fickle Goddess to us — and like 
some other females changed for the first new face she saw — We shall 
once more court her in the face of all the British thunder, and take 
her Vi etarmis from her present possessors — A Major Bigelow — who 
was sent with a flag to Canada — Returned just now from the Enemy's 
advanced post who treated him with a Cold distant Civility — he 
has brought with him the Orders of the day Issued by General 
Carleton — they are Bombastical, Insolent, & empty — you'll shortly 
see them published by Congress — . . . The fall may turn up some- 
thing, — we are prepared for the event, and Death or Glory will attend 
us — I wou'd write to several of my old friends & neighbours but 
for want of time; — you'l let them know they live in my grateful 
memory, and I shall always esteem myself happy in Rendering them 
every service in my Power. 

I hope yet to pass many an Agreeable hour in your and their 
Society — but if the fate of war shou'd Order it otherwise — they will 
Remember I fell in the support of their Rights — and the Rights of 

Adieu my Dear Girl 

Ant'y Wayne. 

Colonel Wayne to Mrs. Mary Wayne. 

TiCONDEROGA 3d Jan'y 1777 
Dear Polly, — I don't know where this will meet you. The Rapid 
progress of the Enemy through Jersey only reach'd us last evening — 


perhaps they may now be in Phil'a and Ravaging the Country for 
many miles Round 

The Anxiety we are under on acc't of our famihes and friends is 
much better felt than expressed — Should you be necessitated to 
leave Easttown — I doubt not but you'l meet with Hospitality in the 
Back parts of the provinces — The British Rebels may be successful 
for a time ; they may take and Destroy our Towns near the Water and 
Distress us much But they never can — they never will subjugate the 
free born sons of America. Our Growing Country can meet with 
Considerable Losses and survive them : but one Defeat to our more 
than Savage Enemy Ruins them for ever : 

A number of unhappy Circumstances have Contributed to their 
success thus far, but let not that in the least Dispirit you. We shall 
soon learn to face them in the field and the day is not far off when 
we shall produce a Conviction to the World that we Deserve to be 
free — 

I expect every hour to be Relieved with Orders to march to the 
Assistance of Gen'l Washington: I have 1500 Hardy Veterans left 
who will push hard for Victory and Revenge — they are second to 
none in Courage (I have seen them tried) and I know they Equal 
any Regulars in point of Discipline — I hope soon to meet their 
Sanguine Wish — that is to lead them on to Death or Glory 

Kiss my little boy and Girl for me — Give my kindest Compli- 
ments to all friends and believe me ever yours 

A. Wayne. 

[Mrs. M. Wayne.] 

Colonel Wayne to Colonel Penrose. 

TiCONDEROGA 23rd Aug. 1 776 

We Remain in the same state as when I wrote you last, with only 
this Difference — I begin to get me in flesh ; wine, punch, porter, 
Venson Mutton Beef Potatoes Peas beans Butter & Cheese begin to 
make their appearance in Camp ; of these good Creatures I the more 
freely partake — as man can not live by bread alone ; there are but few 
who live in this way tho' all wou'd wish it, provided they cou'd 
obtain it without much expense — but that is Impossible here for it 
appears to be the last part of the world that God made & I have 
some ground to believe it was finished in the dark — that it was never 
Intended that man shou'd live in it is clear — for the people who 


attempted to make any stay — have for the most part perished by 
pestilence or the sword. 

I believe it to be the Ancient Golgotha or place of Skulls — they 
are so plenty here that our people for want of Other Vessels drink 
out of them whilst the soldiers make tent pins of the shin and thigh 
bones of Abercrumbies men — 

[Col. Penrose.] 

Colonel Wayne to Dr. Franklin. 

TicONDEROGA 29th July 1776 
Dear Sir, — We are so far Removed from the seat of Govern't of 
\.\i&free and /wrt'^/^^wc/^;// states of America — and such an Insurmount- 
able Barrier, Albany, between us that not one letter, or the least In- 
telligence of any thing that's doing with you can reach us. Through 
the medium of my Chaplain (the Rev Mr Jones), I hope this will 
reach you as he has promised to blow out any man's brains who will 
attempt to take it from him 

Naturally, I must own I have some Apprehensions for the Brave 
and Generous sons of America who will be obliged to bear the brunt 
of the day. — A raw Undisciplined Militia crowding in upon them 
will in a few Weeks become Impatient of Command & Subject to 
many Disorders fatal to an army — an artful enemy will wait the 
favourable moment to make approach — Howe is not unacquainted 
with the wretched Condition our people were in at Cambridge — 
he lost the Opportunity — he'l not be guilty of the like soon 
again — 

Burgoyne will attempt a Junction. He'l not effect it without the 
loss of much blood — Col St Clair, Dehaes, & myself are in posses- 
sion of Montcalms lines. We shall render them more formidable 
than they ever were in a few days. We are to be joined by Col 
Hartley. The whole of the Pennsylvanians in this Country will 
amount to 1600 men fit for duty Officers Included — Our lines are 
extensive — but Rest assured. If Burgoyne makes an attack upon us 
— the British arms will meet a worse fate than when under Aber- 
crombie — They'l find an enemy fertile in expedients, and brave by 
nature, who will push them hard for Victory, & Revenge for the 
unfortunate affair at the Three Rivers — I am almost tempted to 


say with MacDuff, Gracious heaven ! cut short all Intervention and 
front to front set those sons of War and ourselves — if they then 
escape may heaven forgive them too — 

The Eastern troops are stationed on the East and Opposite side of 
the lake — on a peninsula Inaccessible except at one spot — which they 
are beginning to fortify — These are composed of three Brigades, we 
of one under Col St Clair, who with myself are Engineers in chief. 
We amend, form, and Alter such part, and parts of the French lines 
as we think proper, a plan of which is here Inclosed — 

I believe the whole amount of our Army fit for duty may amount 
to about 3500 men — we expect a Reinforcement from Connecticut 
sliortly of 1500, and we are Indefatigable in preparing to meet the 
Eremy by water — the superiority in a naval force on this Lake is an 
Object of the first moment — It has been we think shamefully neg- 
lected — but now we have Information of 100 Carpenters from the 
Eastward and 50 from Philadelphia, being at Skene'sboro', and all 
at work in building Gondolas — At present we have three little 
schoners, and one sloop well Rigged — and man'd with people drafted 
from the Respective Regiments, they carry from 8 to 16 Guns each. 
These with four Gondolas already built will be a formidable fleet in 
this sea — on which I think we may ride Triumphant if we please. 
The Enemy on the Other hand are Industriously Employ'd in build- 
ing vessels, Batteaus &c &c so that in a {t'fi days we shall put the 
matter to the test. We have Rec'd two days fresh Provisions and 
have a prospect of being better supplied — our people begin to recruit 
in health and spirits — but are still Destitute of almost every neces- 
sary fit for a soldier, shoes, stockings shirts and coats are articles not 
easily done without — yet they cannot be Obtained — 

I am sorry to have Occasion to write in this manner but when 
Objects of Distress hourly strike the eye — Objects that look up to 
me for Relief, I can't but feel for their situation although unable 
to help them — Can't some means be fallen upon to send a speedy 
supply of these articles — 

The State of Mass'ts Bay has Established a post to this place & all 
letters carried free to the Army — as you'l see by the Inclosed note. 
Can't you procure a similar one to pass in our State — or are we less 
worthy than the Gentlemen from the Eastward — be that as it may — 
an Inquiry into the cause of this shameful Conduct in some of the 


Different posts or Offices is a matter not to be neglected, as it may 
in the end be attended with bad and fatal Consequences. 

Dr. Rush to Colonel Wayne. 

Philad'A Septemb'r 24tli 1776 

My dear Sir, — I have not been unmindful of you since we parted. 
No man rejoiced more than I did in hearing of your gallant behavior 
at the Three Rivers, and General Sullivan can witness for me that 
when He repeated any anecdote that related to our Army in Canada 
in which your name was mentioned with respect, I felt, and showed 
the same satisfaction that I should have done had he been lavishing 
encomiums upon a brother. — You will hear before this reaches you 
that the command of General Sinclair's regiment was given to Col: 
Wood. I lament with you Col: Allen's resignation, and loss to our 
Army, but I believe you have been misinformed as to his motives 
in that transaction — His family suffered no indignities in this 
State but such as they in some degree merited by their opposition 
to the institution of a new government, and the declaration of In- 
dependence — I have constantly made great allowances for gentle- 
men of moderate sentiments, and still class several of them among 
the worthiest of my friends, but I think it no breach of charity to 
suppose that a family so much affected in power, and property as 
the one above mentioned were actuated only by low, and interested 
motives. — 

My seat in Congress has subjected me to many cares to which I 
was a stranger when my whole business consisted in reading — writ- 
ing — & feeling pulses. — I am obliged daily to hear the most melan- 
choly accounts of the distresses of our troops from wants of every 
kind — I have felt a large share of the pain & shame brought upon 
our arms by the desertion of Long Island, and evacuation of New 
York. The military spirit of our country men seems to have sub- 
sided in that part of the continent, and a torpor seems likewise to 
have seized upon the citizens of America in general. I apprehend we 
have overrated the public Virtue of our country. If this is the case, 
let us not repine at misfortunes — They are necessary to the growth 
& existence of patriotism. History shows us that States like in- 
dividuals have arisen to importance only when their foundations 
were laid in difficulties & adversity. We received so many pledges 


during the last Campaign of the favor and protection of Heaven 
that it would seem a species of infidelity to doubt our success in 
the issue of the present controversy, 

A convention has at last formed a government for our State. 
Herewitli I send you a copy of it [Constitution of 1776], It is tho't 
by many people to be rather too much upon the democratical order, 
for liberty is as apt to degenerate into luxuriousness, as power is 
to become arbitrary. Restraints therefore are as necessary in the 
former as in the latter case. Had the Governor and Council in 
the new constitution of Pennsylvania possessed a negative upon 
the proceedings of the assembly, the government would have 
derived safety — wisdom & dignity from it. But we hope the Coun- 
cil of Censors will remedy this defect at the expiration of seven 

My present situation requires that I shou'd possess a thorough 
knowledge of the state of the armies of the Continent. Let me beg 
of you therefore to furnish me every week (if possible) with the 
history of every material occurrence in the Northern department. 
Tell me all your wants whether they relate to provisions, clothing, 
tents — ammunition or medicines — I could wish you would go fur- 
ther, & inform [me] what officers, and what brigades, or regiments 
stand highest with you for courage — conduct, and military discipline. 
Duty & inclination will prompt me to do every thing in my power 
to remedy abuses — correct delays — and reward merit of every kind 
in the Army. 

My Comp'ts await Gen'l Gates, and Gen'l St. Clair. Tell the latter 
that I have done nothing since I took my seat in Congress with 
greater pleasure than giving my Vote for making him a Brigadier 
and I wish for nothing more than to do the same justice to the merit 
of my friend Col: Wayne. Inter nos — an attention in you to Gen'l 
Gates may facilitate this matter if it should soon come before Con- 

Adieu, my dear Anthony, God bless you ! & bring you back in 
safety to our native province in which I hope to spend many days 
with you in the enjoyment of that freedom for which we are both 
making sacrifices in the cabinet & field. 

Yours sincerely 

B. Rush. 


Colonel Wayne to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Morton. 

TicoNDEROGA 2nd Oct. 1776. 

Dear Sir, — I have the same plea for not answering yours of the 
1 6th of Aug — as you had when you wrote — i.e want of time — I 
observe we have an extraordinary House or Convention and as an 
extraordinary Bench of the peace — but the old Adage holds — that 
a Desperate Disorder — requires a Desperate cure — Our Constitu- 
tion was Convulsed — these may be the most proper state Physicians 
to restore it to its native vigor — I hope they will effect it — I am 
totally unacquainted with your Politicks I shall therefore waive the 
subject — and like uncle Toby ride my own hobby — We are not 
a little surprised at the evacuation of Long Island — the surrender of 
that was the opening the Door to the Island of New York — our 
people can't possibly hold that place when the North & East Rivers 
are free for the enemy's fleet. They will even have it in their power 
to land troops on the Back of our ports — an Event which I fear 
they have not properly Guarded against. If so the sacrifice of 4-5 
or even t 0,000 men in my humble Opinion ought to be made rather 
than to have given up ground for a small Misfortune — that will not 
only supply the Enemy with Every necessary and afford them Winter 
Quarters — but reduce us to the hard necessity of making a Winter 
Campaign in the open field to watch their motions — 

As to us — unless the Enemy can prevail over our fleet — which I 

think will be no easy matter, we having greatly the advantage in point 

of time and materials for this purpose, which Advantage we have 

Industriously Improved — & on the land side our lines are strength- 

en'd with Redoubts — they can not Carry by Storm — and the Season 

is too farre Advanced for a Regular Seige add to this our people are 

in high spirits — tho' poorly and thinly clad — yet they will sell their 

Lives & Liberty dear — the fatigue they have undergone in this place 

is Inexpressible, yet they go thro' all without a murmor — 

* * * * ***** 

Anth'y Wayne. 
Colonel Wayne to Dr. Rush. 

TicoNDEROGA i8th Oct'r 1776 
My dear Sir, — I shall not attempt to give my Opinion of what 
Regiments or Officers stand highest in Esteem for military Disci- 
pline or Conduct — until the fortune of War Determines whether 


Americans or Britains are to remain masters of this Ground — an 
event which in all probability will be known before this Reaches you 
perhaps in a few hours — they have prevail'd over our Fleet, — and 
are within fifteen miles of this place — the first fair wind brings them 
up — when I am Apprehensive they will Oblige us to meet them on 
Open Ground — our rear being in a great measure neglected — for we 
always depended on our Fleet — as the Rear Guard — that Depend- 
ence is now at an end — and if they Attack us in that Quarter we 
shall have warm work — it will not be cool to them as they will be 
exposed to the fire of two Batteries — upon the whole I am Rather 
Inclined to think they will strive to make the Assault on the Penns'a 
lines as it is the Ground which Commands all the Other works — if 
they shou'd be so hardy — I am almost Confident of success — 

Our Army don't Amount to more than 6000 Effective men — of 
which something less than One half i e about 2600 will bear the 
brunt of the day — the Remainder being on Mount Independance on 
the Opposite Side of the lake — I can't in Justice Omit mentioning 
one hundred Pennsylvanians who arrived here last Evening from lake 
George — where they were lately sent for the Recovery of their health 
to the Gen'l Hospital — on hearing of the defeat of our Fleet they 
Immediately returned to this place Determined to Conquer or die, 
with their Country men — these poor Emaciated worthy fellows are 
Entitled to more merit than I have time or Ability to Describe. 

I could write you a long letter Cont'g a list of Grieveances, & 
such Intelligence as you Require but the Enemy will not permit me 
— and I am Call'd to Arms by an Alarm this moment Given — 
Adieu my Dear friend & believe me yours &c 

Ant'y Wayne. 

Adjutant Harper to Colonel Wayne. 

Albany Janu'y 31 1777 
Dear Colonel, — Your Regiment march'd from this Place yester- 
day morning— but the Soldiers were so dispersed through the Town 
that It was with the Greatest Dificulty that wee got them together — 
The place was so full of Recruiting Parties Endeavouring to enlist 
them that two thirds of them were drunk — The Recruiting Officers 
here Rather than miss a Pennsylvanian would sit and drink with him 
all night— they Even have Gone into the Hospitals and enlisted Our 


Sick, some of whom were Re-enlisted before Viz Short of Capt. 
Poth Company and Jones a Silver Smith of Capt. Morris, they tried 
two Days ago and are to be punished — 

*^Mm ^^ ^f ^^ ^# «1^ ^M ^3^ 

^^ ^* ^* T» 'J* •J* *^ *^ 

Colonel Johnston to Richard Peters, Secretary of Board of War. 

Oct 20, '76. 

If you shou'd think proper, you may publish the following Para- 
graph, in regard to our Penn'a soldiers — " It appears to me that the 
Pennsylvanians were originally designed for Soldiers, their Vigi- 
lance, assiduity & resignation to bad Usage, fatigue & ye strictest 
Discipline convinces me — their bravery too & enthusiasm in the 
Service are equally remarkable — 

"There is an Anecdote respecting them, which I cannot omit 
mentioning — as soon as the News of the Defeat of our Fleet reach'd 
Fort George, the Pennsylvanians who had been laid up in the Hos- 
pitals emaciated with Disease & Sickness of the most malignant kind, 
even some of them with Discharges in their Pockets, without Orders 
or the least compulsion, fix'd on their Military Accoutraments & 
crossed the Lake to our Assistance, swearing by every thing sacred 
they wou'd have ample revenge — 

"As two Privates of the first Bat'n Commanded by Col. De Haas 
pass'd thro' our Encampment on their return, they were asked if no 
more of the Penn'as were coming to w'h they answ'd with Indigna- 
tion * Yes, blast your Eyes, every sick man amongst us that cou'd 
possibly crawl, but we lead the Van from our Rank' — this they Did 
while other pusilanimous wretches had their whole thoughts entirely 
bent upon Home — " 

I can add no more, as the Divine says, so present my Love to Mr 
& Mrs Delany & God bless you both — 

I am sincerely Yours &c 

F: Johnston. 

Colonel Johnston to Colonel Wayne. 

Albany 17th Nov'r, 1776 — 
Dear Col'l, — I rec'd your agreeable Letter of the 12th inst't from 
the Hand of Col: Lewis Its Contents serve as a farther Proof of the 
friendship you bear me — 

I shall ever embrace the opportunities put in my way, of acknowl- 


edging the several kindnesses you confer on me — & use my utmost 
diligence to repay them — 

I find you have engaged the Interests of Gen'l Gates St Clair & 
Col : De Haas in my favor I shall never forget this signal piece of 
service — I have been assiduous in my Endeavours to enlist, but all 
such as are fit for the service are already engaged, the Others are 
only Food for Worms — miserable sharp looking Caitiffs, hungry lean 
fac'd Villains &c &c. 

Your Letter, joined to the services w'h I apprehend I can perform 
in Penn'a, have determin'd me to proceed — Let me add to this 
Poor Tom [Robinson] is so weak yet, that I must not part with 
him — On my Arrival, I propose to open my Quarters near Ches- 
ter & send out trusty Serjeants for the purpose of recruiting our Regi- 
ment ; As Wallace & Funk cannot join us again with propriety, I 
suppose I may Venture to promise a worthy fellow an Ensignsy, & 
Dispatch him thro' the Country in search of Recruits — 

I find myself greatly recovered but still continue weak — riding on 
Horse back will fully effect my Cure — I shou'd most assuredly have 
visited Tye this week, but your Letter induces me (as I before ob- 
serv'd) to go on — I cannot part with you thus — The news of this 
place I must transmit you — 

It is said here that Howe's Army have cross'd over to the Jersey 
side, & that our Army means to accompany them wherever they 
go — It is likewise reported, that a Strong Detachment of the Enemy 
are in the rear of Fort Montgomery, w'h you know is totally un- 
defended — It is very observable, that all the American Fortifica- 
tions are defenceless in the rear & ever left unguarded — Oh the 
miserable State of this Country ! As we are obliged to place our 
Dependance on such miserable Engineers — 

Whether this be Albany News w'h I have just related, or real fact 
I know not, but certain it is ; Orders have been issued that all the 
Batteaus, Boats &c &c shall immediately be sent down the North 
River to transport our Army — Indeed I have heard that the Bat- 
teaus in & about Lake George must be carried in Waggons to Fort 
Edw'd & from thence forwarded here — if this be true, then the Army 
at Tye will naturally retreat for want of Provisions — 

I could here criticize & animadvert largely on the Conduct of 
great men in the service of the States, on their Counsels, their Mill- 


tary knowledge &c but this is unnecessary, as you are fully capable of 
comparing things with each other & drawing just Inferences — My 
friend Sec'y Peters informs me of Col: Shee's Resignation which 
has completely ruin'd him — He urges me strenuously by no means 
to follow his Example, I trust in Heaven, I never shall, tho', I must 
confess it chagrin'd me to see a Dutch Tavern keeper & a fat son of 
Epicurus promoted over my Head — Men with calmer Passions & 
possess'd of more Stoicism than I, would shew their Resentment on 
the like Occasion — Mr, Peters further adds — "things are in great 
Confusion in our State, the Conventie tho Dam?jatic Conveniie have 
produced a sickly Constitution, not worth defending" — however I 
shall not have Paper suff 't to make the necessary Quotations I there- 
fore refer you to his Letter w'h I have inclosed — 
My dear Sir, I must bid you adieu — 

from yours sincerely 

F. Johnston — 

P.S, Capt'n Robinson sends a deal of respects Compl't &c to you 
& desires you not to neglect to mention his name in your Letters, as 
you may th [torn out] he merits — The ^ y'rs you sent Home 
p [torn out] for ^3^5 : 4 — get more if you can F. J. 

Colonel Wayne to Sharp Delany. 

TicoNDEROGA 15th Dec'r 1776 
My dear Delany, — Last night has frozen Lake Champlain to the 
Centre — it is all one solid mass of Ice — our poor fellows severely 
felt the Effect of it — for my own part I was so Congeal'd that after 
turning before the fire for three hours by Shrewsbury Clock — I was not 
half thawed until I put one Bottle of wine under my Sword Belt at 
Dinner — I have been toasting you all but can't toast myself — for 
by the time that one side is warm the other is froze ; however I'll still 
keep to the Internal Application — here's God bless you all and now 
let me ask you a few Questions. Who of our friends were killed 
or taken at Fort Washington? — was it Carried — by Surprise or 
Storm? — Is Gen'l Washington still Retreating — has he lost all his 
heavy Cannon ? — dare the Enemy venture into the Country in pur- 
suit of him — Are our people so used to stand behind works that 
they dare not face the foe in the field — That — that is the Rock we 
have split on. Our time has been Intirely taken up in making lines 


&c and no attention paid to Manoeuvring — our Defenses by some 
fatality have been all so planed that when ever the Enemy could get 
in our Rear — * * * * * * 

In regard to discipline we understood by this only to put a neces- 
sary Constraint on the principle of freedom to prevent it growing 
into licentiousness which it unavoidably would if not Curbed in an 
army— here I must once more call in the aid of Marshal Saxe — he 
%?^-^%— and he says well— ''\\i2X it is a false notion, that subordina- 
tion, and a passive Obedience to Superiors, is any Debasement of a 
mans Courage — so far from it, that it is a General remark — that 
those Armies that have been subject to the severest Discipline have 
always performed the Greatest things" — 

I could say much on this subject — I shall for my own part En- 
deavor to put it into practice as far as in my power as I am well 
Convinced that we shall never Establish our Liberties until we learn 
to beat the English Rebels in the field — I hope the day is not far off. 

An other Campaign or two if our people are well Appointed, 
Clothed and Victualed may Effect it — present my best Compliments 
to Mrs. Delany and all friends and believe me D'r Sir 

Yours most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne. 

P.S. Col Johnston & Doct'r Kennedy will give you an Acc't of 
our Situation — Tell Mr Sect'y of War, he shall never have my 
benediction unless he sends troops to relieve us soon — 

Colonel Wayne to Richard Peters, Secretary of War. 

TicoNDEROGA ist December 1776 
Dear Sir, — An express just arrived brings advice of Fort Wash- 
ington being in the Hands of the Enemy and the whole Garrison 
Consisting of 2000 men being killed or Prisoners, and that our 
people are on the Jersey side Retreating from post to post. Is the 
Genius of America fled our Arms?— is she ashamed to associate 
with her Degenerate sons ; or does She Esteem them as Aliens, un- 
worthy her protection. Are not the Enemy as Vulnerable as us ; 

cuts not our Swords as keen; — pierce not our Balls as deep as 
theirs? — they do—vi\iy then this terror — why shrink as from a Gor- 
gon's head whenever they appear. Oh ! my dear Sir, I but too 
well know the Occasion. If you have any Regard for the Liberty 


of your Country ; — or the Honour of America, Embody the South- 
ern Troops by themselves; give more Attention to Manoeuvering — 
and less to working and rest Assured of Success — 

I thank my God we are left partly alone — I have yet 1500 hardy 
Veterans from Penn'a, would to Heaven I could for a day lead them 
to the Assistance of poor Washington ; — I would Risque my soul, 
that they would sell their lives, or Liberties at too dear a Rate for 
Britons to make many purchases — I wrote to Doct'r Rush a itvj 
days since and forgot to Enclose him the State of this Garrison — 
you will please to show it him — and please to let me know which of 
our friends are lost at Fort Wash'g'n — Some Catiff or Envious 
Dev-1 prevents any Intelligence Reaching here unless it Militates 
against us — I have just now Rec'd a letter from Delany Dated 
17th Sep'r — make my excuse to him for not sending an answering 
it at this time, give my love to my Daughter and believe me yours 

A. Wayne. 

Colonel Wayne to General Schuyler. 

TicoNDEROGA 2nd Jan'y 1777 

Dear General, — I herewith send you a Return of this Garrison 
as also of the Soldiers re-engaged to serve during the War — which are 
but few — " Liberty to come down for one month when Relieved" 
carries with it an Idea of being Immediately sent back again to a 
place which they Imagine to be very unhealthy ; — they say ; march 
us off this Ground and then we will Cheerfully Re-engage ) add to 
this their anxiety about their friends in the Jerseys and Penns'a 
makes them Impatient to be led to the assistance of their Distressed 

They likewise see the Eastern people Running away in the Clouds 
of the Night — (some before and all soon as their times expires). 
Col Whitcombs Regiment — all the Sailors & Mariners — the whole of 
the Artificers and all the Corps of Artillery except Capt. Roman's 
Company (which consists but of 12 men Officers Included) are gone 
off the Ground 

Notwithstanding so bad an example — and the distress of their 
native State — the Pennsylvanians, will not leave me until fresh 
troops arrive to Relieve them 


Your own feelings Sir on the Alarming Situation of Affairs in 
Penns'a and Jersey ; will best Inform you of that of every Other 
Officer and Soldier (from those States) on the Present Occasion : 
which causes us most Ardently to wish for an Opportunity of meet- 
ing those Sons of War and Rapine — face to face ; and man to man. 

These worthy fellows are Second to none in Courage {I have seen 
them proved^ — and I know that they are not far behind any Regulars 
in Point of Discipline — Such troops, actuated by Principle, and 
fired with just Resentment must be an Acceptable, and perhaps season- 
able Re-inforcement to Gen'l Washington at this Critical Juncture — 

If you shou'd be of the same Opinion and cause us to be Imme- 
diately relieved — with Orders to march with all Dispatch to join the 
main Army — I believe we shou'd be able to Re-enlist the Chief part 
of our people on the way : however this may be I wou'd answer for 
it that they will not turn aside from Danger (altho their terms shou'd 
be expired) when the safety and Honor of their Country Require 
them to face it — 

I must Once more earnestly Request you to Order up shoes and 
soap — we are much Distressed for want of these Necessary Articles — 

Doct'r M'Crea arrived last night with some Medicine — but Hos- 
pital Stores, roots and Vegitables we are totally Destitute of 

I am Dear General 
Your Most Ob't 
Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

[Gen'l Schuyler.] 

Colonel Wayne to General Schuyler. 

TicoNDEROGA 22(1 Jany. 1777 

Dear Gen'l, — Col Simons Reg't Col Robinsons Reg't Consisting 
of about 700 men Officers Included are now Arrived together with 
24 men of Col Warner's Regiment — 

In Consequence I have Ordered One Reg't of the Penns'a to 
march tomorrow. The Others will follow as soon as Possible with 
Orders to Proceed in Good Order to Phil'a — I have Lately Rec'd 
letters from Gen'l St. Clair and other Gent'm in Gen'l Washing- 
ton's Camp which made me think it Advisable to keep these Regt's 
Embodied until they are Dismissed by the Board of War : — their time 


expired the 5th of this Instant : they are to be settled with in Phil'a 
agreeable to Promise, when I have Reason to expect the greatest part 
will Reengage — 

I want much to go also — it would be in my Power to do rhore with 
them in case of necessity than perhaps any other Officer : I know 
these worthy fellows well and they know me — I am Confident they 
would not Desert me in a time of Danger — If you think it would 
be for the benefit of the Service — I shou'd be glad to be Imme- 
diately Relieved in Command with Orders to march with the last of 
the Southern troops. 

For the present I am using every Effort to Render this place strong. 
I shall soon Complete the Ahattis Round the Old fort, and Octagons 
on Mt. Independence, and two New Blockhouses ; so that in a few 
days we hope to Render this post tenable and leave it in a much 
securer and better state than we found it — the manner in which I 
have kept our Guards and Sentries and the Constant Succession of 
Scouts which I have out — if followed by my successor — will Effect- 
ually prevent a surprise ; you will please to Order the Other troops 
Destin'd for this Garrison to be forward'd with all Possible Dis- 
patch — 

Interim I am D'r Sir 

Yours Most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne. 

[Genl Schuyler.] 

Colonel Wayne to Sharp Delany — Extract. 

20 Feb. 77 
I must now in Confidence tell you that this post has been most 
shamefully neglected — all the old and good Troops are gone — none 
here but a few wretched militia — badly armed and worse Disci- 
plined — 

This Garrison at this time Ought to Consist of at least 5000 Ef- 
fective men — with a well trained Corps of Artillery — perhaps Con- 
gress thinks it does. I have not One fifth part of that number on 
the Ground — and I would much Rather Risque my life. Reputa- 
tion, and the fate of America on 400 Good Troops, than the Whole 
of the present Garrison. 



This is the Situation of the Second post in the United States — 
the Neighboring Governments are now roused — and I expect in a 
few days to be strongly Re-enforced — A body of the Enemy were 
Discovered a few days since marching this way by two Canadians — 
who are gone to Albany — this has awaked Gen'l Schuyler and Others 
(whose business it was to send Troops) from their Lethargy — 

We may probably have some Diversion in a few Hours — I have 
yet some good men on whom I can Depend — and I will be answer- 
able for the maintainance of this post until succour can Arrive. 
Adieu my Dear Delany, and believe me still your Friend 

And most Ob't 

Hum Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[S. Delany, Esqr.] 

Colonel Wayne was appointed brigadier-general in 
February, 1777. It was hoped by his friends that he 
would return home for a short season and help to bring 
order out of the confusion into which public affairs 
then had been thrown in Pennsylvania. 

Sharp Delany to Colonel Wayne. 

Philad'a 2Sih March 1777 
My Dear General, — To wish my Friend Joy or congratulate 
him on his advancement to the Rank of B: General, would seem as 
if I did not thoroughly know him — but to me your merits are suffi- 
ciently known I am firmly persuaded that office could not be better 
or more properly given — 6^ ought long ere now — Your last gave me 
true friendly pain — since Sept'r & not a line from Family or Friends 
when to my knowledge you ought to have rec'd many — Yesterday 
I came from East-town & left all very well tho strong in expectation 
of your long wished arrival — Tho' I share in every one of your hon- 
ours — yet believe me I could wish you had not left us — more may be 
done by you in the distracted state of our Government — than per- 
haps would balance the many gallant & beneficial actions you have 
done for your Country in Canada. To point them out in a letter 
would be impossible which is the reason I have but slightly touched 
on them in former letters. When I have the great pleasure to see 


you here — I shall give you a long talk, showing the weakness, folly, 
Ambition of politicians. Before matters are brought right you may 
be Witness, you must be witness to all of them. 

I never yet flattered myself you could have been spared on Acct 
of the Importance of the Post you command — till properly relieved, 
— tho all other of your friends were sure of your coming — Gen'l 
Greene a few days since informed me a G'l Patterson was to take 
charge of Ticond'a chiefly for your coming home which only gives 
me the hope of seeing you — busy scenes may perhaps induce you to 
give your Services to your Country without any intermission — but 
let me my Friend, advise & beg of you, to come first home, & 
gratify your Friends & put new life in your Family & Mother who 
really pine for the beloved Flusband, Father & Son. You are the 
only military man I know who has been so long on Duty — nor is it 
to be expected or thought the whole man should or could be ab- 
sorbed by one line of Duty — come then once more let me ask it, & 
speedily to your desiring Friends, & in a time we will again restore 
you to the Continent. I have need of you myself for many ac- 
counts — I have been in the field, if to be as I was may be called 
so — would to God our militia were better regulated — I was 
honoured by the Assembly with the Post of Lieu't of the City with 
Rank of Col'l Command't so that you see I may have been at head 
of the militia of our State but declined it — for reasons I know will 
be pleasing to you, when I can see and converse with you. Mr. 
Johnston having but a few minutes to wait, will excuse the form & 
manner of this letter as I was all the week with my Family at Hun- 
ters near you — but away with excuses — as my Friend I know believes 
I could not neglect him — he will receive all from me as coming 
from a friendly Heart, which I assure will ever be so while it is the 
property of 

Sharp Delany. 

P.S. Had I expected this opportunity, would have bro't a letter 
from Mrs Wayne & Mother. 

The condition of the military hospitals within the 
territory occupied by Colonel Wayne was, it seems, 


such as required immediate attention. He writes thus 
to George Clymer, member of Congress : 

TicoNDEROGA 15th Dec'r 1776 

Dear Sir, — Before this reaches you — you will almost forget that 
there are some people yet Remaining at Ticonderoga who realy 
Esteem your friendship — but how long that will be the case I cannot 
say ; — as Death that Grisly Horrid Monster — that Caitiff who Dis- 
tinguishes neither the Gentleman, nor the Soldier, age, Sex or State 
is daily making dreadful Havock amongst us the Pennsylvanians : 
I have buried out of my own Regiment since you left this Ground 
upwards of fifty men I believe I have once already told you that 
in my Opinion it was the last part of God's work, the ancient Gol- 
gotha — Certain it is that the Supreme Being never Intended man- 
kind to live in it — as few, very few who have Attempted to make a 
Lodgment, or tjwj^ jfay survived the Sword — the pestilence or famine. 

We are at present threatened by all three — notwithstanding we 
shall have the hardiness to brave them out until properly Relieved : 
— for my own part if I am doomed to fall by either — I wou'd chuse 
the first as being the most Honorable (altho not the most likely to 
take place at the present) 

This you may Depend on as fact that out of the three Pennsyl- 
vania Regiments, which I have with me, & who Marched full two 
thousand Effective men into this Country, Officers Included, I shall 
not bring home more than Nine Hundred; and the most of those 
Emaciated — worn out and unfit for further duty — 

Perhaps keeping us here so long was not bad policy in one sense ; 
as it has prevented the people at large from knowing the hardships 
and Miseries these poor fellows have endured (on this Infectious 
Spot) the bare Recital of which wou'd shock Humanity. The 
Regulars ' thought Crown Point vastly preferable to this in point of 
health and Strength — they found it Absolutely Necessary to Relieve 
the Garrison once a fortnight from Crown Point — and they expended 
a Million Sterling in fortifying that place — the work we have done 
here would have Render'd that stronger than ever — and unless we 
foreclose the English Rebels by taking post there next Spring, they 

' The English army. 


will give us more trouble than many Gentlemen are aware of and 

profit by our Mistake. 

I must Request you to use your Utmost Endeavors in getting us 

Relieved as soon as Possible — as the time for which our people are 

Engaged expires in three weeks — the New England troops go home 

in fifteen days — the General wou'd not keep them one moment 

longer than the first of Jan'y. I hope to prevail on our troops to 

stay with me until Others come to Relieve them — but no time is to 

be lost, you'l not neglect to Inform Congress that we are Enlisted 

but till the 5th of Jan'y. 

Interim I am D'r Sir 

Your Most Ob't 

Hum'l Serv't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

Colonel Wayne had previously written (December 4) 
on the same subject to the Council of Safety: "The 
wretched condition the battalions are now in for want 
of every necessary except flour and bad beef is shock- 
ing to humanity and beggars all description — We 
have neither beds nor bedding for our sick to lay on or 
under, other than their own clothing; no medicine or 
regimen suitable for them ; the dead and the dying 
lying mingled together in our hospital or rather house 
of carnage is no uncommon sight." And again to 
General Gates : " We can't send them to Fort George 
as usual — the Hospital Being Removed from thence to 
Albany — and the Weather so Intensely cold, that before 
they would reach there they would perish — it lays 
much in your Power by a proper Representation to 
Congress to have these defects Supplied — and many 
other Abuses Redressed, that tend to Render the Ser- 
vice almost Intolerable to men and Officers, but as 
you are a much better Judge of those Matters than I, 
I shall say no more on the Subject." 


Colonel Wayne to Colonel Johnston concerning his Regiment. 

TicONDEROGA 1 2th Jany. 1777 

Dear Col., — I snatch my pen to give you a. flemish Acct. of your 
Regiment — The Commander of all Armies has taken to himself on 
this Ground from first to last 200 — he has marked 13 more for his 
service which I expect he will Draft in a few days — I have sent 
you 87 Invalids least he should take a fancy to them and I have a 
few more hid Ready to send by the next opportunity — I hope to 
follow in a week or two with about 300, being the Remainder and 
as brave fellows as ever faced an Enemy : of these there are about 
150 Re-Engaged during the war, and we probably may Inlist 150 
more by the time we arrive in Phil'a which I believe will not be 
before the first of March — 

We hear your city has become a Deserted Village — and that the 
British Rebels and their Savage Auxiliaries on their march through 
the Jerseys Committed the most Horrid Devastation — and were 
guilty of Crimes shocking to Humanity, and which modesty forbids 
to mention— 

I expect to march at the Head of about 1200 Pennsylvanians and 
Jerseymen well Appointed, Disciplined and Determined who all call 
loudly on me to them to take a just Revenge or to meet a Glorious 
Death — 

I am D'r Sir ever yours most 

Ant'y Wayne. 

P.S. My best Compliments to Delany and all friends — Tell them 
it is my honest wish to meet an Equal Number of the Enemy on my 
March — when they may Rest Assured I shall either soon make them 
pay dear for their past Conduct or stand in no need of any Pro- 
tection for my Conduct — 

[Col. Johnston.] 

The following letter gives some idea of the embar- 
rassment due to short enlistments in the Army of the 
Revolution, and the difficulty of enforcing discipline : 


Colonel Wayne to General Schuyler. 

TicONDEROGA 1 2th Feb'y 1777 

Dear General, — I was favoured with yours of the yth Ultimo 
Yesterday — and shall, agreeable to your Desire, keep a pair of fleet 
Horses at a place called the Red House — about five Miles North of 
Crown Point, where a small advanced Post is absolutely necessary — 
for which purpose I shall Detatch a trusty Officer and fifteen or 
Twenty men — still Continuing the scouting parties as usual — 

Our Garrison is now very weak. If you have any good troops — 
be they ever so few — pray send them on with all possible Despatch. 

After the Jersey Troops are gone, I must in Confidence assure you 
— that I would much Rather risk my life and reputation, and the 
fate of America on two Hundred Good Soldiers, — than on all those 
now on the Ground who will be left behind them — many of whom 
are Children, twelve or fifteen years of age — In time they'l make 
good men — as yet they are too young — add to this that they have 
but about one month to stay — and are badly armed and the Officers 
Enemies to Discipline. 

I am in the next place to Acquaint you that Yesterday morning 
at Gun fire I was Informed that Capt. Nelsons Rifle Company — who 
used to do duty in my Regiment — were under arms with their Packs 
slung ready to March and Determined to force their way through 
all Opposition. On my Arrival at their Encampment — I found them 
drawn up in Order, and beginning their March. On asking the 
cause of such Conduct, they began in a tumultuous manner to In- 
form me that their time of Enlistment was expired last month, and 
that they looked upon themselves as at Liberty to go home — I Or- 
dered them to Halt — that I could not Answer them all at once — 
I directed their leader to step out and speak for them : A Serg't 
Advanced — I presented a Pistol to his Breast — he fell on his knees 
to beg his life — I then ordered the Whole to ground their Arms — 
which was immediately complied with : — I then Addressed them 
when they with one voice agreed to Remain until the 20th Instant 
and Return to their duty. 

This was scarce over when a Certain Jonah Holida of Capt. 
Coe's Company in Col Robinsons Regiment — Endeavored to excite 
them to Mutiny again — as you will see by the within Deposition — 
Interrogating him on the Occasion he Justified his Conduct — I 


thought proper to Chastise him for his Insolence on the spot before 
the men — and then sent him to answer for his Crime to the main 

The Colonel waited on me and very Innocently Informed me 
that he had a Complaint lodged with him against me that he was 
Sorry for it — but was obliged to take notice of it, and then De- 
livered the within paper — 

On Inquiring I found it was wrote by Capt. Coe — I had him 
brought before me — He Acknowledged the writing — and also that 
he knew the cause for which his Soldier was Struck and Confined — 
but was of Opinion that every Soldier had a Right to Deliver his 
Sentiments on every Occasion without being punished upon which I 
Ordered him in Arrest as an Abettor of the Mutiny — I wait for your 
Orders to send them down to Albany — where you will take such 
further Measures as you may deem necessary — To try them here 
by their Own people would answer no good purpose — perhaps the 
Reverse — You'l be kind enough to excuse this long Narrative and 
believe me Dear Sir 

Your most Ob't Hum'l 

Ant'y Wayne. 

N.B. I believe I shall be able to prevail on Dayton's Reg't to 
Remain until the first of March unless these people stir them to 
Mutiny — which I have some Reason to apprehend — lest they them- 
selves should be asked to stay after the expiration of their time ; for 
which I hope there will be no Occation. 

It is curious to observe while lookinof over these 
letters, most of which were written shortly after the 
Declaration of Independence, that that instrument is 
seldom referred to in them, and that very little impor- 
tance is attached to it as giving a new significance to 
the war. Unfortunately for Pennsylvania, the date of 
the Declaration coincided very nearly with that of the 
attempt to introduce a new government into that State 
unacceptable to a very large and intelligent portion of 


the population, by methods which were regarded by 
many as a simple usurpation of power. The patriots 
who then bore sway in Pennsylvania were identified, in 
the minds of many who wished well to the cause, with 
the party who, after a most violent and bitter struggle, 
had destroyed the old charter of the Province, and with 
it the power of those who had formed the governing 
class in it, and had substituted for it a new Constitution, 
which did not appear to any one, even those most op- 
posed to the old system, to work satisfactorily. There 
were, for instance, loud complaints all through the war 
that Pennsylvania did not supply her troops in the field 
regularly with clothing and provisions, and that she 
neglected to pay them often for months after their pay 
became due, and that when she did pay them it was 
often in base money that had little purchasing power. 
Her persistent neglect in these matters, as is well 
known, was the cause of a serious mutiny among the 
troops of the Pennsylvania line in the beginning of 
1 78 1, and of constant embarrassment during the war. 
Of course the blame for this neglect or maladminis- 
tration was thrown by their opponents upon those who 
then wielded the power of the State. It should never 
be forgotten that during the Revolutionary War the 
struggle was not merely between the rulers of Penn- 
sylvania and the open enemy, the British army, but also 
between them and the fierce opposition of a powerful 
party in their own State. While their opponents de- 
nounced the ruling powers as usurpers, they retorted 
by confiscation and test laws, a course which rendered 
the war highly unpopular to many. It was the intention 
and result of these laws to disfranchise nearly one-half 


of the population in number, and more than one-half if 
reckoned by their wealth and intelligence. In short, 
Pennsylvania fought in the Revolution like a man with 
one arm tied behind his back, and what strength was 
left her was too often employed in struggles between 
contending parties in their own State rather than 
against the common enemy. The Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was, unhappily, looked upon by many at the 
tinie as a party triumph, and it was followed up here as 
nowhere else by measures that drove from the public 
service many men of the highest character who had up 
to that time been regarded as the foremost patriots of 
the State. It is hard to estimate how far it paralyzed 
her efforts during the war. 

A good deal of the clamor of those days which has 
survived in history, therefore, is due to this bitter party 
spirit which had been aroused between those who 
favored and those who opposed the Constitution of 
1776. The opponents of the government organized 
by it were fewer in number than those who warmly 
supported it. They belonged to various classes of the 
population, — to the Conservative Whigs, to the Loyal- 
ists and Tories, to the Quakers, and even to many of 
the original advocates of a revision of the charter, who 
were not satisfied with the Constitution which had been 
adopted. Many of those who openly expressed their 
dislike of the new form of government for the State 
were men of high social position who had belonged to 
the governing class under the old 7'eginie, and they did 
not hesitate to sneer at the work of the radical mob, as 
they called them, and to magnify their errors and their 
maladministration. The truth is that, as society here 


was constituted at the beginning of the Revolution, it 
was hardly to be expected that the men who had always 
been leaders in the political affairs of the Province 
would give up their control without a fierce struggle. 
Pennsylvania was, therefore, greatly weakened in the 
Revolution by these internal dissensions. The cor- 
respondence of Wayne is very instructive In showing 
how, very early in the war, this evil spirit became a 
conspicuous element in the progress of the Revolution. 
The letters just given are remarkable, because they 
show that civilians like Dr. Rush and Mr. Peters, and 
military officers of high rank like St. Clair, Thompson, 
Wayne, Johnston, and Hartley, were out of sympathy 
in many respects with the men who formed the govern- 
ment they served. It is prudent, therefore, in reading 
of the destitution of the Pennsylvania line during the 
war, to remember these things. 



While Wayne was in command of the garrison at 
Ticonderoga he was appointed, as has been stated, on 
the 2 1 St of February, 1777, a brigadier-general in the 
army. He had evidently become tired of the life of 
comparative inaction which he led at that post, and was 
very desirous of being employed in active service and 
under the immediate command of Washington. On 
the 1 2th of April, 1777, he was directed by the gen- 
eral-in-chief to join him at Morristown, and he was at 
once placed in command of a brigade of troops sta- 
tioned there, known as the " Pennsylvania line." In 
order to gain a correct notion of the character of the 
officers and men thus placed in his charge, many of 
whom followed his fortunes during the remainder of 
the war, a few words of explanation may be necessary 
concerning the organization of the Pennsylvania troops 
in the Army of the Revolution. 

The fifty-three battalions of Associators or militia 

organized at the outbreak of the war had by this time 

been disbanded, their term of service having expired. 

Their whole number was four thousand three hundred, 

and they filled the first quota of troops called for by 

Congress from Pennsylvania. These were replaced 

by six Pennsylvania State battalions, a rifle regiment, 

and a musketry battalion, whose term of service expired 


in January, 1777, they having been enlisted for one 

A reorganization of the troops was then made. Thir- 
teen regiments of infantry, besides some small bodies 
of cavalry and artillery, were enlisted in Pennsylvania 
directly for the Continental service, many of the men, 
both officers and soldiers, having been members of 
the old State battalions and re-enlistinof in the new 
for " three years or the war." They were all at this 
time in General Washington's army, forming the Penn- 
sylvania line. These regiments should have formed a 
division and been commanded by a major-general. 
There were then but two officers of that rank appointed 
from Pennsylvania, — Generals Mifflin and St. Clair, — 
and neither of them seems to have been considered eli- 
gible to the command, St. Clair having succeeded Wayne 
in the command of Ticonderoga and Mifflin being quar- 
termaster-general at the time. Wayne was a brigadier- 
general when he joined Washington's army, and so he 
remained, it may be said, during the whole war. During 
all this time, from the beginning to the end, he had always 
an independent command, burdened with all the labors, 
anxieties, and responsibilities of the position, without the 
rank, consideration, or pay, of a major-general. Noth- 
ing seems to illustrate more fully his true magnanimity 
and his untiring and patriotic devotion than the cheer- 
fulness with which he performed the duties without 
holding the rank of a major-general. Surrounded at all 
times by subordinates who were adding to his troubles 
by constant complaints that by the "arrangement" of 
the civil authorities their due rank and promotion had 
been withheld from them, there was not a murmur heard 


from Wayne on this score during the war, although he 
doubtless felt that he had been more deeply aggrieved 
in the matter of rank than any of his complaining offi- 
cers. I can find no allusion to this matter in the way 
of complaint in any of his letters, except an indignant 
refusal of a request made by one of his friends, early 
in his career, that he should ask General Gates to 
recommend him to Congress as a suitable person to 
fill the post of brigadier-general. 

The command to which General Wayne was as- 
signed in the spring of 1777 was, as has been said, com- 
posed of eight regiments, forming a division of two 
brigades. The First Brigade consisted of the First 
Regiment, Colonel Chambers ; the Second, Colonel 
Walter Stewart ; the Seventh, Lieutenant-Colonel Con- 
nor; and the Tenth, Lieutenant-Colonel Hubley. The 
Second Brigade was composed of the Fourth Regiment, 
Lieutenant-Colonel William Butler ; the Fifth, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Johnston ; the Eighth, Colonel Broadhead ; 
and the Eleventh, Colonel Humpton. There were about 
seventeen hundred men in the division when General 
Wayne assumed the command. The other division 
of the Pennsylvania line in Washington's army, under 
Lord Stirling's command, was made up of Conway's — 
formerly Mifflin's — brigade of four regiments, and of 
Colonel Hausegger's German regiment. 

At the time that General Wayne joined the army 
Washington had under his command forty-three regi- 
ments, all from the States south of the Hudson. They 
were organized in five divisions of two brigades each, 
and numbered about seven thousand three hundred 
men. They were nearly all fresh recruits. The army 


was then passing through one of those dangerous crises 
which threatened its existence at the close of each year 
of the war, arising from its complete renewal by re- 
cruits who were to take the place of those whose term 
of service had then expired. As the soldiers of the 
army in most of the States had been enlisted for a 
single year only, there was at the end of that year sub- 
stantially a new army and a new organization, or, as it 
was called, a new "arrangement." During the period 
of the incubation of this new army it was necessarily 
weak, and, as it was naturally to be presumed that the 
enemy must understand its condition, Washington was 
kept in a state of perpetual alarm lest an attack should 
be made upon him by the long-trained and well-disci- 
plined troops of the enemy, whose numbers exceeded 
his own threefold. He now reaped the full advantage 
of the masterly stroke by which he had broken the 
enemy's army at Trenton and Princeton and forced it 
to retreat. This particular result was perhaps the least 
of all the advantages he gained by his strategy. Having 
occupied the high ground in the neighborhood of Morris- 
town, he had there an excellent defensive position, which 
he strengthened by intrenchments. He was thus on 
the right flank of the enemy's position, and until he 
was dislodcjed no movement of Sir William Howe's 
army could be made towards Philadelphia without great 
danorer of being- cut off from its communications and 
supplies. Washington therefore thought (wisely, as it 
turned out) that the Fabian policy was the true one 
under the circumstances. Thus, while refusing to meet 
the enemy in the open field he safely intrenched him- 
self on the heights at Middlebrook, and manoeuvred his 


troops so as to threaten the flanks and rear of Sir Wil- 
liam Howe's army should he move towards Philadelphia, 
or should he take the opposite direction and endeavor 
to form a junction with Burgoyne in the hill-country of 
the Hudson River. To carry out this policy success- 
fully so as to cover the country between West Point 
and the Delaware a general of extraordinary activity 
and intelligence was needed, in command of troops of 
such spirit and discipline as to be able to move at a 
moment's warning. This general was found in Wayne, 
and the troops chosen for the advanced guard on 
this special service were the Pennsylvania line under 
his command. The British army was moved forward to 
Brunswick, and took up its quarters between that place 
and Somerset Court-House. Their object was to cut 
off Sullivan, who was stationed at Princeton, but his re- 
treat baffled them. General Washington immediately 
embraced the opportunity of attacking this detachment 
of the enemy's forces. On the 2d of May an assault 
was made upon them at Brunswick. They hurriedly 
left their intrenchments there and retreated to Amboy. 
What part General Wayne and his troops had in hast- 
ening " the order of their going" is told in the follow- 
ing letter. 

General Wayne to the Board of War. 

Camp at Mount Prospfxt 3 June 1777 
Gentlemen, — In Consequence of the Orders of His Excellency 
Gen'l Washington I now send Major Miller for Arms & Clothing 
for the first Penn'a Regiment Commanded by Col. Chambers — they 
never Rec'd any Uniform except hunting Shirts which are worn out 
— and Altho a body of fine men — yet from being in Rags and badly 
armed — they are viewed with Contempt by the Other Troops, and 
begin to Despise themselves — 


Discontent ever produces Desertion, to prevent which I must in 
the most pressing manner Request you to Assist him and the Other 
Gentlemen who go on the same Errand in procuring Clothes and 

The Conduct of the Pennsylvanians the Other day in forceing 
Gen'l Grant to Retire with Circumstances of Shame and Disgrace 
into the very lines of the Enemy has gained them the Esteem and 
Confidence of His Excellency — who wishes to have Our Rifles ex- 
changed for good Muskets & Bayonets — experience has taught us 
that they are not fit for the field — a i^vt only will be Retained in 
each Regiment and those placed in the hands of Real Marksmen. — 
I have taken this Liberty as I am Confident that you have the Honor 
of your State at Heart — and that you will use every means in your 
Power to expedite the Arming & Clothing of our People as Soldiers 
in Order to support it — 

I am Gentlemen with the Greatest Respect 
Your Most Ob't and very 
Humb'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

General Wayne to Sharp Delany. 

Camp at Mount Prospect 7th June 1777 
My Dear Delany, — I have just time to Inform you that I 
am well — I intended to say a great deal — but His Excellency has 
this Moment sent for me — he has posted me in Front & honored 
me with the Charge of the most material pass leading to the 

The Enemy are all at work in fortifying their Camp — we have 
fairly turned the tables on them — for whilst we are Usefully Em- 
ployed in Manoeuvring — they are at hard Labor — Our people are 
daily gaining Health Spirits and Discipline — the spade & pick axe 
throw'd aside — for the British Rebels to take up — they notwith- 
standing affect to hold us cheap and threaten to beat up our Quar- 
ters — if we don! t beat up theirs first which is in Contemplation, but 
this in time. 

I am again sent for, farewell and believe me yours 

Most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne. 


Graydon in his Memoirs says that he received sub- 
stantially the same impression after a visit to General 
Wayne's head-quarters at this time : 

"The Commander-in-Chief and all about him were 
in excellent spirits, and as to General Wayne, whom I 
waited upon at his quarters, he entertained a most sov- 
ereign contempt for the enemy. In his confident way 
he affirmed that the two armies had interchano^ed their 
original modes of warfare ; that for our parts we had 
thrown away the shovel, and the British had taken it 
up, as they dared not face us without the cover of an 
entrenchment. I made some allowance for the fervid 
manner of the general, who is unquestionably as brave 
a man as any in the army, but is somewhat addicted to 
the vaunting style of Marshal Villars, a man who like 
himself could ficjht as well as brao-.'' 

" General Wayne's quondam uniform as colonel of 
the Fourth Battalion was, I think, blue and white, in 
which he had been accustomed to appear in exemplary 
neatness ; whereas he was now dressed in character for 
Mr. Heath or Captain Gibbet, in a dingy red coat, a 
black rusty cravat, and tarnished laced hat." — Graydon! s 
Memoirs, p. 277. 

The same day Wayne writes thus to his wife, in a 
more serious tone : 

General Wayne to Mrs. Mary Wayne. 

Camp at Mount Prospect 7th June 1777 
My DEAR Polly, — I this moment Rec'd yours of the 31st May — 
and am extremely sorry to hear of your bad state of health — you 
must Endeavor to keep up your Spirits as well as possible — the times 
Require great Sacrifices to be made — the Blessings of Liberty can- 
not be purchased at too high a price — the Blood and treasure of the 


Choicest and best Spirits of this Land is but a trifling Consideration 
for the Rich Inheritance — Whether any of the present leaders 
will live to see it Established in this Once happy Soil Depends on 
Heaven ; — but it must, it will at one day rise in America, & shine 
forth in its pristine Lustre. I would advise you to use every possible 
Endeavour to get in your Harvest yourself and not put it Out on 
Shares on no Acc't as grain and Hay will be at a Prodigious price 
next winter. Have we no kind Neighbours to lend a helping 
hand? — I am sure the Bartholomews & Davis's families will have 
goodness Enough to give you their Assistance and Advice, — present 
my best Respects to them and all our friends & tell them they live 
in my grateful Memory — and that I hope at one day to Enjoy /<fa^^, 
Established on the firm Basis of Liberty in their Social Company 

The Education of my Little Children is a matter that gives me 
much Concern — and which I [hope] you will not neglect — I have 
already hinted [that] I expect my little son will not turn aside from 
virtue, though the path should be marked with his father's Blood — 

Farewell, God Bless you, 

Yours Most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne. 

I can't be spared from Camp. I have the Confidence of the 
General, and the Hearts of the Soldiers who will Support me in 
the Day of Action. 

While General Wayne was cheered by the success 
of Washington's tactics in baffling the plans of Sir 
William Howe, and grew every day more hopeful as 
the proofs of the discipline of the army multiplied, he 
received letters from his two friends Dr. Rush and Mr. 
Peters, which, if his temperament had not been of the 
most buoyant kind and his faith in the triumph of the 
cause had not been absolute, would doubtless have 
utterly crushed his spirit. Nothing could well be more 
depressing than the account they both gave of the 
political condition of Pennsylvania, then suffering from 


evils which, in their opinion, seemed almost remediless. 
The letters are given a place here for this among other 
reasons, that we may be reminded how many causes of 
deep anxiety tortured the minds of the best men during 
the Revolution, of which we hear but little in history 
as it is commonly written, and how the privations and 
dangers of the field were not the only trials which were 
borne in giving birth to the government whose protec- 
tion we now enjoy. We must draw special attention 
to the manner in which General Wayne received these 
gloomy accounts of the condition of his native State 
and the sad forebodings of his correspondents about 
its future. Nothing is finer or more characteristic of 
him as a man of true courage and a devoted patriot 
than the way in which he urges his correspondents to 
give up for the moment their domestic quarrels and 
combine all the forces of the State against the common 

Dr. Rush to General Wayne. 

My dear General, — General Sinclair who will deliver you this 
letter will inform you of the sickly State of the politicks of Pennsyl- 
vania. Cannon — Matlack — and Dr Young still holdback the Strength 
of the State by urging the execution of their rascally Government in 
preference to supporting measures for repelling the common enemy. 
A majority of the Presbyterians are in favor of the constitution, and 
in no part of the State do they discover more Zeal for it than in 
Chester County. Gen'l Sinclair — & Gen'l Thompson ha[ve given 
p]ublic testimony against it, I [wish you] to add your Weight to the 
Scale of opposition, especially in your native County. The most 
respectable Whig characters in the State are with us. I need not 
point out to you the danger and folly of the Constitution. It has 
substituted a Mob Government for one of the happiest governments 
in the world. Nothing more was necessary to have made us a free 
& happy people than to abolish the royal & proprietary power of the 


State. A single legislature is big with tyranny. I had rather live 
under the government of one man than of 72. They will soon be- 
come like the 30 [tyrants of] Athens. Absolute authority should 
belong only to God. It requires infinite Wisdom and goodness to 
direct it. 

Come, my dear Sir and let us weep together over the dear nurse of 
our childhood, — the protectress of our youth, and the generous re- 
warder of our riper years. " De re publica nunquam Desperandum." 
Let us unite our efforts once more and perhaps we may recover Penn- 
sylvania from her delirium — At present, she has lifted a knife to 
her own throat. Your timely prescriptions may yet save her life. 

Adieu — my dear friend 



B. Rush. 

Philad'a May 19th 1777. 

Dr. Rush to General Wayne. 

Philad. June 5th 1777 

My dear General, — I formerly thought as you do upon the sub- 
ject of our government, but I have seen so many men sacrifice their 
prejudices against it to an honourable or lucrative office, that I am 
sure nothing but the determined opposition of the old Whigs to the 
government prevented its execution. They now begin to feel zs well 
as see its weakness, and nothing but obstinacy in a few men keeps 
its power from falling to pieces. Had it been Once established I am 
sure nothing but a civil war would have overthrown it. So strong 
are its ties upon the passions and interests of a part of the State that 
innocence and justice must have sighed & submitted — Alas ! that 
our minds should be turned from opposing a foreign to opposing 
a domestic tyranny — But all will end well, and I trust you will 
find both fruit & shade beneath the vine and the fig tree of your 
farm when you return to rest your limbs after the toils of the war 
are over. — 

The public have done you justice for your gallant behaviour in 
checking the prowess of Mr. Grant. When shall we have the pleas- 
ure of seeing you? Suppose you write to some of your Old friends 
in Chester County to concur with us in Altering the Constitution. 


Nothing but a new convention will restore Union to us, and draw 
forth the Whig strength of the State to oppose the confimon enemy. 

I expect to spend part of this sumnner with you at Camp. Is your 
habit of body such as it used to be ? If it is I think a wound can 
prove mortal to you in very few places — At any rate you shall have 
a chance for your life if I am near you, and am allowed to combat 
death with my old weapons of lancet — scalpel — glysterpipe &c — 

God keep you from fallmg into my hands in that way ! and grant 
you many laurels and long life — 

Comp'ts to Col. Johnston 


B. Rush. 

Mr. R. Peters to General IVayne. 

Philad'a May 27th 1777 

My dear Sir, — I am extremely sorry that from Col Trumbul's 
short stay among us I have not had it in my Power to Shew him the 
Civilities which I would wish any Gentleman of your recommenda- 
tion to experience from me. Your Situation is indeed cruel ; but 
you will bear it with that Fortitude which you have often been 
obliged to exercise — I hope however some of our General Officers 
will relieve you & then I shall have the Happiness of taking you by 
the Hand — Your Family Affairs want you, onr fallen Pennsylvania 
wants you too — But you are no Doubt prepared to see her in quite 
a different Aspect from that in which you left her. I expect how- 
ever better Days which God send not only for my own, but the Sake 
of our Country. Some Change must be made, or the Power of this 
important State will never be exerted, for the Salvation of American 
Liberty — Sally joins me in very affectionate Regards & believe 
me to be 

Most sincerely Yours, 

R. Peters. 

General Wayne to Dr. Rush. 

Camp at Mount Prospect 2 [torn out] 

My dear Rush, — I would long since have acknowledged the 

Rec't of yours of the April had I not the most flattering hope 

of doing it Viva Voce — Gen'l St Clair Delivered me that dated 

the 19th Ultimo [May] in which you give me a Melancholy and I 


fear too just a picture of the Distraction of our State, and the folly 
Obstinacy & Incapacity of those who Influence her Councils — 
Gen'l St. Clair & many Other Gentlemen of the Army can witness 
for me that at tlie first view of your Sickly Constitution — I pro- 
nounced it not worth Defending — nor do I think it would have an 
existence at this date were it not for the early Opposition given it — 
in my Opinion the Only way to open the eyes of the people would 
have been to try to put it in execution — the Defects would not only 
be seen but felt which have produced a stronger Conviction than all 
the Reasoning or Logick that has been used on the Occation 

I must for the present Request you and every friend to his Country 
to exert yourselves in Calling forth the Strength of Penns'a and 
Completing our Battalions, which are yet very weak — let us once be 
in a Condition to Vanquish these British Rebels and I answer for it 
that then your present Rulers will give way for better men which 
will produce better Measures. 

In my next I hope to give you some pleasing Intelligence — we 
shan't remain many days in this Inactive state — the Enemy don't 
seem fond of meeting Disciplined Troops — We Offered Gen'l 
Grant Battle six times the Other day he as often formed but always 
on our Approach his people broke and Ran after firing a few Volleys 
which we never Returned, being Determined to let them feel the 
force of our fire and to give them the Bayonet under Cover of the 
Smoke — This Howe who was to March through America at the 
head of 5000 men had his Coat much Dirtied, his Horses head taken 
off, and himself badly Bruis'd for having the presumption at the 
head of 700 British Troops to face 500 Penns'as 

Present my Compliments to our friends and believe me 

Yours Most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne. 

During the month of June Washington's army was 
encamped at Middlebrook, near the Raritan, strongly- 
intrenched. Various devices were resorted to by Sir 
Wilham Howe to induce the Americans to evacuate 
their strong position and to meet him on the plains. 
Washington knew too well the great advantage he held 


to be tempted into making any such false step. Not 
only was he safe in his intrenchments, but he could 
move with equal facility to prevent Howe's advance 
towards Philadelphia or any movement of his intended 
to form a junction with Burgoyne on the Hudson, as 
occasion might require. Various skirmishes took place 
between the advanced posts of the army, in one of 
which General Wayne tells us he commanded, without 
any serious result. At length Sir William Howe, de- 
spairing of forcing Washington to meet him in a pitched 
battle, decided to approach Philadelphia by sea, and for 
that purpose embarked his troops at Staten Island im- 
mediately upon the evacuation of New Jersey. 

There was still great uncertainty in the American 
camp in regard to the route, or even the destination, 
of Howe's army. Whether it was proposed to reach 
Burgoyne's forces by sea, or whether, leaving him to 
take care of himself, Howe would undertake alone the 
capture of Philadelphia, could not be ascertained. 

While the American army was thus without positive 
intelliofence of Howe's movements after the evacuation 
of New Jersey, it was astounded to learn that Ticon- 
deroga had been evacuated by St. Clair on the 5th 
of July, 1777. "An event so mysterious as to baffle 
conjecture," is the language of Washington. In all his 
arrangements Washington had supposed that fortress 
defensible, or at least capable of standing a long siege, 
and its abandonment therefore without any siege what- 
ever deranged all his plans. It is true that General 
Wayne and Colonel Trumbull had called attention some 
months before to what seemed to them a weak spot 
in the defences, owing to the possibility of mounting 


cannon on a commanding height from which it could be 
reached ; but no heed seems to have been given to their 
warning, and this height was left to be occupied by the 
enemy. A battery having been established on Mount 
Defiance, the Americans at once acted the part of those 
who think discretion the better part of valor, and aban- 
doned the fort. If those who knew little of the prepara- 
tions which had been made there to receive the enemy 
were surprised at the result, what must Wayne and his 
companions, who had during the past winter expended 
so much time, labor, and even many human lives in 
rendering Ticonderoga, as they thought when they 
left it, impregnable, have felt when they heard of its 
abandonment? But these are matters which concern 
the character of that most unfortunate of generals, St. 
Clair, with whose vindication it is not our business to 
meddle here. 

It was at first thought, when the news of giving up 
the gates of the country from the Canada side reached 
the army, that an effort would be at once made to form 
a junction of the forces of Howe and Burgoyne on the 
banks of the Hudson ; but it was decided by the enemy 
that Howe should push on to Philadelphia, and that Bur- 
goyne should be left to his own resources and to his fate. 

The British fleet with Howe's army on board went 
out of Sandy Hook on the 25th of July, and at once 
Washington issued the following order to General 
Wayne : 

"The fleet having gone out of the Hook, and as 
Delaware appears to be its most probable destination, 
I desire that you will leave your brigade under the next 
in command, and proceed to Chester County, in Penn- 


sylvania, where your presence will be necessary to ar- 
range the mihtia who are to rendezvous there." 

Wayne proceeded at once to perform that duty, and, 
having organized the Pennsylvania mihtia and placed 
it under the command of General John Armstrong (an 
old man, but had in honor as "the Hero of Kittanning" 
in the Indian wars), he rejoined his division, which 
by that time had reached Germantown. The army 
marched through Philadelphia on the 23d of August 
and took post near Wilmington, it having at last been 
fully ascertained that, as the British fleet was over two 
hundred miles within the capes of Chesapeake Bay, 
Sir William Howe intended to approach Philadelphia 
by that route. On the 26th of August he wrote the 
annexed letter to his wife while the army was in motion. 
It seems to me that there is a subdued tone of sadness 
about this letter which would indicate a feeling; that the 
interview he asked for might be the last which the 
fortunes of war would permit him to enjoy. 

General Wayne to Mrs. Wayne. 

Blue Bell, 26th Aug't 1777 
My Dear Girl, — I am peremptorily forbid by His Excellency 
to leave the Army — my case is hard — I am Obliged to do the 
duty of three General Officers — but if it was not the case — as a Gen'l 
Officer I could not Obtain leave of Absence — 

I must therefore in the most pressing Manner Request you to meet 
me tomorrow Evening at Naamans Creek — pray bring Mr. Robin- 
son with my Little Son & Daughter along — 

It may probably happen that we may stay in that Neighbourhood 
for a day or two — my best love and Compliments to all friends 

I am, Dear Polly, 


Anth'y Wayne. 
[Mrs. Mary Wayne, Chester County.] 


While the army was encamped near Wilmington a 
very thorough reconnoissance was made of the route by 
which the enemy was advancing. It was finally decided 
to take post on the eastern side of the Brandywine 
and there meet him in open battle. In the mean time, 
Wayne, on the 2d of September, sent a letter to Gen- 
eral Washington in regard to a proposed expedition 
against the British lines which seemed to him full of 
promise, and of which he hoped to be the leader. 
The proposal does not seem to have attracted the at- 
tention of the historians of the campaign, and it cer- 
tainly was not adopted by the general-in-chief, but it 
none the less shows the extraordinary push and energy 
of its author, as well as his brave and unconquerable 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Camp near Wilmington 2nd Sept. 1777. 

Sir, — I took the liberty some days since to suggest the selecting 
2500 or 3000 of our best Armed and most Disciplined Troops (ex- 
clusive of the Reserves) who should hold themselves in Readiness 
on the Approach of the Enemy to make a Regular and Vigorous 
Assault on their Right or Left i^ank — or such part of their Army 
as should then be thought most expedient — and not wait the Attack 
from them — 

This, Sir, I am well Convinced would Surprise them much — from 
a persuasion that you dare not leave your Works — it would totally 
stop the Other part from Advancing — and should the Attack be for- 
tunate — which I have not the least doubt of — the Enemy would have 
no Other Alternative than to Retreat — for they dare not hazard any 
new manoeuvre in the face of your Army which would be cool & 
ready to take every Advantage of either their Confusion, Disorder 
or Retreat — & from which the best and greatest Consequences might 
be Derived — 

This Sir is no new Idea — it has been often practiced with success 
(among many Others) by Ccesar at Afnieiis when besieged by the 


Gauls, who Carried part of the entrenchments and were rendering 
themselves Masters of the parapet — when he sallied out with his 
Cohorts — threw them into the utmost Consternation & Obtained an 
easy Victory — 

He practiced the same manoeuvre at Alesia against the same people. 
— Success Justified the Measure — they were struck with a terror & 
surprise, which Marshal ^a.xe Justly Observes "proceeds from that 
Consternation which is the Unavoidable effect of Sudden and unex- 
pected Events" 

This is a General rule in war; that the Irresistible Impulse of the 
Human Heart, which is governed by mere momentary Caprice and 
Opinion — Determines the fate of the day in all Actions; — & as sim- 
ilar Causes Generally produce Similar Effects — I could wish to see it 
practiced (not only on this Occasion) but to carry it still further 
— and make the Assault on the Enemy without Risquing too much 

The Spirit and Numbers of your Regular Troops aided by the 
Crowds of Militia now Drawing to your Camp, Renders success 
probable & will at all events be sufficient to guard against any bad 
Consequences in case of a Military Cheek by throwing themselves 
into the works and Strong Ground in your Rear — 

I own Sir that I dread the Re-embarquing of the Enemy much 
more than any Consequence attending an Attack upon them for 
should they take shiping again and proceed to some Other Quarter 
without Attempting anything this way — you will suffer more in the 
march after them than you would probably do in a severe Action — 
besides the Certain loss of the present Militia — 

Should I be happy enough to meet your Excellency in Opinion — 
I wish to be of the number Assigned for this business. On the Con- 
trary I know you have goodness enough to excuse a freedom — which 
proceeds from a Desire to render every service in the power of your 
Excellency's Most Ob't 

and very Humb Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

N.B. Upon Mature Consideration I believe it will not answer to 
Annex the Militia to our Brigades — I wish it may not take place — 

[His Excellency Gen'l Washington.] 


In the formation of the army at the battle of Brandy- 
wine the division of Wayne and the artillery of Proc- 
ter (both composed of Pennsylvania troops), with the 
Third Virginia Regiment, were posted on the left of 
the American line on the east bank of the Brandy- 
wine. This creek was fordable in front of the posi- 
tion at a place called Chad's Ford, and at that place 
Wayne's division was stationed. The details of this 
battle, especially the turning of the right flank of the 
Americans by the detachment under Cornwallis, are 
so well known that it seems unnecessary to repeat 
them here. Wayne had in front of him, separated by 
a narrow creek, the forces of Knyphausen (the Hessian 
general), consisting of about seven thousand men, and 
during the whole day stood his ground firmly, repelling 
successfully every attempt by Knyphausen to pass the 
creek, and sending Maxwell with his light infantry oc- 
casionally to the other side with orders to annoy him. 
Wayne remained in this position until sunset, and until 
the division of Sullivan (reinforced by that of Greene), 
which had not been able to withstand the attack of 
Cornwallis, was forced back from Birmingham Meeting- 
House. The right flank of the army being turned by 
the enemy exposed Wayne's division to the danger 
of being attacked by Knyphausen in his front and by 
Cornwallis in his rear. He therefore retreated, as his 
supports had been driven from the field, to avoid being 
surrounded. His men were in good order and disci- 
pline, and quite ready to attack the tired battalions of the 
British army had they undertaken to interrupt the retreat 
of the army. There can be no doubt that his division 
on this retreat saved the remnant of Sullivan's force. 


The conduct of Wayne at the battle of Brandywi'ne 
was, in the judgment of the military critics of the time, 
admirable. General Henry Lee, in his " Memoirs of the 
Southern Campaigns," giv^es him and his men great 
credit for the manner in which they resisted the attack 
of Knyphausen. He says many of the corps in that 
battle distinguished themselves. The most conspicuous 
were the brigades of Wayne and Weedon, and the 
Third Virginia Regiment, commanded by Colonel Mar- 
shall, to whom, with the artillery directed by Colonel 
Procter, of Pennsylvania, much praise was given. So 
General Armstrong (the younger) in his account of the 
battle says, "The firing on the left being the signal for 
Knyphausen to act, that officer began his movements 
accordingly ; but, notwithstanding the weight and vigor 
of his attack and the aid it received from a covering 
battery, he was unable to drive Wayne from his posi- 
tion till near sunset." Some of the regiments of the 
Pennsylvania line were highly distinguished. A letter 
from Colonel Chambers (First Pennsylvania Regiment) 
to his old commander. General Hand, gives the follow- 
ing picturesque account of the part taken by his regi- 
ment in the battle: "The general sent orders for our 
artillery to retreat, and ordered me to cover it with 
a part of my regiment. It was done, but to my sur- 
prise the artillerymen had run and left the howitzer 
behind. The two pieces went up the road protected 
by about sixty of my men, who had very warm 
work, but brought them safe. I then ordered another 
party to fly to the howitzer and bring it off. Cap- 
tain Buchanan, Lieutenant Simpson, and Lieutenant 
Douglass went immediately to the gun, and the men 


following their example, I covered them with the few I 
had remaining. But before this could be done the main 
body of the foe came within thirty yards and kept up 
the most terrible fire ever heard in America, though 
with very litde loss on our side. I brought all the bri- 
gade artillery safely off, and I hope to see them again 
fired at the scoundrels. Yet we retreated to the next 
height in good order in the midst of a very heavy fire 
of cannon and small-arms. Not thirty yards distant 
we formed to receive them, but they did not choose to 
follow." ' This gallant soldier during this brilliant action 
was wounded in the side by a Hessian bullet, which he 
carried to his grave. It is much to be regretted that 
no full record of the services of each of the eight regi- 
ments in the Pennsylvania line has been preserved, or, 
at least, is accessible. The official report of General 
Wayne cannot be found. We know that the Pennsyl- 
vania regiments suffered much in this hard-fought battle. 
We know that many of the field officers were wounded ; 
that Colonel Grier of the Seventh, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Bayard of the Eighth, Major Robinson of the Fifth, and 
many other officers, were wounded ; that among the 
prisoners taken were Lieutenant-Colonel Frazer and 
Adjutant Harper of the Fifth, who were' captured two 
days after the batde while reconnoitring, and that Cap- 
tain Thomas Buder of the Fifth, in Sullivan's division, 
received the thanks of General Washington for his gal- 
lantry in rallying broken, retreating troops. This Cap- 
tain Butler was one of four brothers, all officers of the 

* In Sir William Howe's official despatch he refers to the capture 
of these guns, but he entirely forgets to mention that they were 
recaptured by Colonel Chambers's regiment. 


Pennsylvania line, and all devoted friends of General 
Wayne, — Colonels Richard and William and Majors 
Thomas and Edward, a band of heroes, of whose ex- 
ploits we shall learn more in the course of this history. 

One of the Pennsylvania regiments, the Thirteenth, 
commanded by Colonel Walter Stewart, was attached 
to the command of General Sullivan, and not to that of 
General Wayne, both at Brandywine and at German- 
town. The loss of this reg^iment in the two encrage- 
ments was but sixteen ; but this would seem to be no 
criterion of the severity of the struggle in which the 
regiment was engaged. "We attacked the enemy," 
says Lieutenant James MacMichael of that regiment at 
Brandywine, "at 5.30 p.m., and we were first obliged to 
retreat a few yards, and formed in an open field, when 
we fought without giving way on either side until dark. 
Our ammunition almost expended, firing ceased on 
both sides, when we received orders to proceed to 
Chester. This day for a severe and successive engage- 
ment exceeded all I ever saw. Our regiment fought at 
one stand about an hour under an incessant fire, and 
yet the loss was less than at Long Island, neither were 
we so near to each other as at Princeton, our common 
distance being fifty yards." ' In the absence of duly 
authenticated reports of the services of the different 
regiments in the battle, this is all we can tell of those 
Pennsylvanians who found a soldier's grave on the 
banks of the Brandywine. 

The common opinion in regard to the American 

' See Diary of Lieutenant James MacMichael, Pennsylvania 
Magazine, vol. xvi. p. 150. 


army after the battle of Brandywine is that it was 
totally routed and disorganized. Such could hardly 
have been the case, if we recall its condition during 
the two succeeding days. On the night of the nth it 
retreated to Chester, a distance of about twelve miles, 
and reached a safe encampment about ten o'clock in the 
evening. Starting early the next morning, it marched 
to its old camp near the Falls of Schuylkill, a distance of 
at least sixteen miles, on that day. These facts in them- 
selves would prove that the army had not lost either 
its oreanization or its vioror, even if we had not Wash- 
ington's own testimony that *' it was in good spirits and 
nowise disheartened by the recent affair, which it seemed 
to consider as a check rather than as a defeat." Wash- 
ington, finding the army in this temper, recrossed the 
Schuylkill at Conshohocken, Wayne's division being in 
the advance, to engage once more the enemy in the 
hope of saving Philadelphia. The British army had 
moved leisurely forward towards the north and west 
from the battle-field, hoping to cross the Schuylkill at 
one of the upper fords unmolested. On the loth 
Washington found the enemy near the Warren tavern, 
about twenty-two miles from Philadelphia, on the Lan- 
caster Road, and made preparations to attack him. 
A deluge of rain separated the combatants. On the 
19th the Americans, excepting Wayne's and Small- 
wood's divisions, crossed to the east side of the river 
at Parker's Ford (Lawrenceville), hoping to intercept 
the enemy when it should cross with the object of gain- 
ing the Philadelphia side of the river. But Sir William 
Howe, after having by a feint induced Washington to 
suppose that he would take one of the upper fords, 



by a rapid countermarch during the night fell back 
to Fatland Ford, just below Valley Forge, and crossed 
to the eastern side of the river, whence he had an un- 
opposed route to the city. 

Meanwhile, Wayne's division had been ordered to 
take post between the Paoli and the Warren (names of 
taverns on the Lancaster Road about two miles apart), 
in order to attack the rear-guard of the British, then 
encamped in the Great Valley between him and the 
Schuylkill, and if possible to capture the baggage-train 
under its charge as soon as it moved towards the river. 
It was an expedition which required the greatest se- 
crecy, as its success depended upon taking the rear- 
guard of the enemy by surprise. Wayne took every 
precaution to hide his movements from the enemy, but, 
unfortunately, the position of his camp was betrayed 
to the English commander by Tory spies. He was en- 
camped on the hills above the Warren tavern on the 
night of the 20th of September, when he was attacked 
by an overwhelming force of the rear-guard of the 
enemy, which he was preparing to assail the next day, 
— a force so larofe that two of the British reg-iments of 
which it was composed were not engaged in the hor- 
rible work in which the rest were so conspicuous, their 
services not being required. This was the affair known 
in Revolutionary history as the " Paoli massacre,'' the 
tragic character of which has not been lessened by the 
legend which grew out of it. Subjoined are Wayne's 
official report to General Washington, and the proceed- 
ings of the court-martial which was ordered at his re- 
quest to investigate the charge that he had permitted his 
post to be surprised, an accusation which, with Wayne's 


fine instincts of the duty of a soldier, stung him to the 

Red Lion 21st Sept. 1777 — laoClock 
Dear General, — About 11 oClock last Evening we ware alarmed 
by a firing from one of our Out guards — The Division was Imme- 
diately formed which was no sooner done than a firing began on our 
Right Flank — I thought proper to order the Division to file off by 
the Left except the Infantry and two or three Regiments nearest to 
where the attack began in order to favour our Retreat — By this Time 
the Enemy and we were not more than Ten Yards Distant — a well 
directed fire mutually took Place, followed by a charge of Bayonet — 
numbers fell on each side — We then drew off a Little Distance 
and formed a Front to oppose to theirs — They did not think Pru- 
dent to push matters further. Part of the Division were a little scat- 
tered but are Collecting fast — We have saved all our Artillery, 
Ammunition & Stores except one or two waggons belonging to the 
Commissary's Department — 

Gen'l Smallwood was on his march but not within supporting dis- 
tance he Order'd his people to file off toward this place where his 
Division and my own now lay — 

As soon as we have refreshed our Troops for an Hour or Two, we 
shall follow the Enemy who I this moment learn from Major North, 
are marching for Schuylkil — I cant as yet ascertain our Loss — but 
will make out a Return as soon as Possible, our Dead will be col- 
lected & buried this Afternoon — I must in Justice to Col's Hart- 
ley, Humpton, Broadhead, Grier, Butler, Hubley & indeed every 
Field & Other Officer inform your Excellency that I derived every 
assistance possible from those Gent'n on this Occasion — Whilst I 
am writing I received yours of the 20th pr. Messrs Dunlap & Learn- 
ing with the Intelligence you wished to Communicate — It will not 
be in our power to render you such Service, as I could wish, but all 
that can you may Depend on being done by Your Excellencys Most 

Obed't H'bl Serv't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

N.B. The two Letters you mention I never Receiv'd — I have 
Reason to think they fell into the Enemy's hands Last Nights 
Affair fully convinces me of it 

His Excell'y Gen'l Washington. 


Wayne requested that a court of inquiry should be 
convened to investigate his conduct at the Paoli affair, 
and, not being satisfied with its finding, he asked, for 
reasons given in the following letter, to be tried by a 
court-martial : 

Camp near White March 22nd Oct. 1777 

Sir, — I must Acknowledge that the Opinion of the Court of En- 
quiry has given me both pain and surprise — surprise to find Gent'n 
go on the most Erroneous grounds in two facts from which they seem 
to found their Opinion i.e. with Regard to the Distance, and the 
Carrying off of one of the Pickets — 

The Distance between the nearest part of the Enemy's Camp and 
where I lay — was near 4 miles which was greater than from their 
Camp to the Fatland ford, and Richardson ford on the Schuylkill 
(being the very fords at which Gen'l Howe's Army passed) — Con- 
sequently had I been farther Distant it would have put it out of my 
power to Comply with your Excellency's Orders — i.e. to harass 
their Rear — but this the Court seems to have lost sight of; and rnay 
have mistaken the Distance, but with Regard to the picket I am almost 
tempted to believe it could not altogether be a mistake — Sir it is 
notorious that that picket was not Carried off at all ; — between the 
time that Brigade Major Nichols told me that he was missing and 
his Return from Col Butler — a Light Horseman whom I instantly 
sent to the place where the picket was posted Returned and told 
me that he had seen him and that all was well — when Major Nichols 
came back with Col Butlers answer — I did tell him with some degree 
of anger to go to bed — for having made a mistake — 

This Circumstance I literally Related to the Court — I find they 
gave no Credit to my Assertion — however the Officer of that picket 
will be able to set this Matter in a Clear point of view — That 
picket was not disturbed until after the Division Retreated — the 
Enemy having Advanced by quite a Different Route 

They have also (while very minute in Other Circumstances) forgot 
to mention one or two Reasons for my taking and Remaining in that 
position i.e. Gen'l Smallwood being on his march to join me and to 
whom I had sent Col Chambers as a guide to Conduct him into my 
Rear — where he was expected to arrive every moment from two 


OClock in the Afternoon until we were Attacked — and that I had 
Information that the Enemy would march for Schuylkill the next 
morning — however they perhaps did not think proper to pay any 
Regard to any Assertion of mine — Yet they might have given 
some Credit to Gen'l Smallwoods own Letter which lay before them 
— as well as to the Circumstance of the Enemies Actually Marching. 

They affect to give me some Credit for taking off the Artillery and 
for AUempting to Rally the Troops — after being Routed — they don't 
say that the Artillery was on the Right when the Attack was actually 
made — and that Orders were given to the Division to Retreat at the 
very time the Artillery Rec'd the like Order — they don't say that I 
remained with the troops on the Right which were posted for the 
purpose of Covering the Retreat — nor do they say that I actually 
did Rally a Body of the troops and Remained with them on the 
Ground for a full hour which Effectually Covered the Retreat of the 
Greatest part of the Division and of all the Artillery altho one of 
the pieces met with misfortune near the field of Action which Im- 
peded us a Considerable time ; these Circumstances and these facts 
were in full proof before them — but perhaps they did not think 
them worth mentioning — they were not of the Criminal Kind 

After this state of facts which I pledge my Honor as a Soldier and 
a Gentleman to give full and Ample proof of — I appeal to Your Ex- 
cellencys own feelings whether I can be easy under so severe and 
unjust a Charge — I must therefore beg an Immediate trial by a 
Gen'l Court Martial Your Compliance will much Oblige your Ex- 
cellencys Most Ob't and 

Very Humb Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

[Gen'l Washington.] 

When brought before the general court-martial the 
following was his defence : 

Gent'n, — The Charge against me is "That I had timely Notice 
of the Enemy's Intention to Attack the Troops under my Command 
on the Night of the 20th Instant — and that notwithstanding that 
Intelligence I neglected making a Disposition till it was too late 


either to Annoy the Enemy, or to make a Retreat without the utmost 
Danger and Confusion" 

The first part of the Charge " that I had timely Notice of the 
Enemys Intention to attack the Troops under my Command" is 
very Readily Answered — 

I shall briefly Relate what these gentlemen call a timely Notice — 
A Mr Jones an Old Gent'n who lives near by where we were En- 
camped — came to my Quarters between 8 and 9 oClock at Night and 
Informed me, Col's Hartley, Broadhead & Temple that a servant boy 
of Mr Clayton's had been taken by the Enemy and liberated again — 
who said that he had heard some of their Soldiers say — that they 
Intended to Attack me that night. Altho' this could not be Deemed 
a Sufficient Notice upon any Military principle — yet notwithstanding 
I Immediately Ordered out a Number of Videttes [horse pickets] 
in Addition to those already fixed with Orders to patrol all the 
Roads leading to the Enemy — I also planted two new pickets, the 
One on a by path leading from the Warren to my Camp, the Other to 
the Right and in the Rear — which made that Night not less than 
six Different Pickets 

I had Exclusive of these a horse Picket under Capt. Stoddard 
well Advanced on the Swedesford Road — and on the Very Road the 
Enemy Advanced — 

But the first Intelligence I rec'd of their Advancing was from one 
of the very Videttes which I sent out in Consequence of the Infor- 
mation from Mr Jones, who had only time to go out about a mile 
before he met them. 

Immediately upon this the troops were all Ordered under Arms — 
and I myself in Person Ordered the whole to take off their Coats 
and put their Cartridge Boxes under to save the Cartridges from 
Damage, [by rain] this Gent'n don't look like a surprise — it Rather 
proves that we were prepared to move or Act as Occasion required — 
when once we were Informed which way they should approach — 
As soon as it was Discovered that they were pushing for Our Right 
where our Artillery was planted — I Ordered the Division to wheel 
to the Right and file off by the left along a Road leading on the 
Summit of the Hill towards the White Horse — it being the Very 
Road upon which the Division had moved two miles the preceeding 
Evening — The Division Wheeled Accordingly — the Artillery 


moved off & owing to some Neglect or Misapprehension in Col. 
Humpton (which is not uncommon) the Troops did not move until 
a second and third Order was sent altho' they were wheeled and 
faced for the purpose 

At the very time this Order for Retreat was given I took the Light 
Infantry and first Reg't and formed them on the Right and Re- 
mained there with them and the Horse in Order to Cover the Re- 
treat. If this was making no Disposition I acknowledge I know 
not what a Disposition is — 

These troops met and Rec'd the Enemy with a Spirit becoming 
free Americans but were forced to give way — The neglect or mis- 
apprehension of Col Humpton had Detained the Division too long 
I was therefore Necessitated to form the fourth Reg't to Receive the 
Enemy and favour the Retreat of the Others; this Col Butler was a 
Witness of. 

About three Hundred Yards in the Rear I again Rallied such of 
the Division as took the proper Route. Those who went a Contrary 
way and out of supporting distance of the Artillery perhaps Col 
Humpton can give the best Acc't of — I call upon him to know 
whether he once Attempted to Rally any part of the troops, and 
where, and why he did not Obey my Orders in Retreating when the 
Troops were Wheeled and faced for the purpose : 

Here I have a fair field for Recrimination were I so Disposed — I 
shall waive the subject and beg leave to Read the Orders which I 
rec'd from his Excellency from time to time. 

In the eyes and Judgment of Gentlemen and of Officers I trust I 
stand Justified for the part I took that Evening — I had the fullest and 
Clearest evidence that the Enemy would march that Morning at 2 
OClock for the Schuylkill. I had sent Col. Chambers as a Guide to 
Gen'l Smallwood to Conduct him into my Rear — he was expected to 
Arrive every hour from two o'clock in the Afternoon until we were 
attacked — At which time Gen'l Smallwood was advancing and by 
Orders Retreated to the White Horse — 

Let me put a Question — Suppose after all these Repeated Orders 
from His Excellency — and the Arrival of Gen'l Smallwood I had 
Retreated, before I knew whether the Enemy Intended to Attack me 
or not, and that they should have Marched for the Schuylkill that 
Morning [which they Actually did] — would not these very Gentle- 


men have been the first to default me — would not His Excellency 
with the Greatest Justice have Ordered me in Arrest for Cowardice 
and Disobedience of his Repeated preemptory and pointed Orders — 
would I not have stood Culpable in the eyes of the World — would I 
not Justly merit either Immediate Death or Cashiering? I Certainly 
would — what line could I follow but that which I did, what more 
could be done on the Occation than what was done — the Artillery 
Amunition &c &c were Covered and Saved by a body of Brave 
troops which were Rallied and Remained on the Ground with me 
for more than an hour after that Gent'n had Effected his Escape 
from Danger the' perhaps not without Confusion — I hold it needless 
to say more on the Occation — I rest my Honor, Character which to 
me is more Dear than life in the Hands of Gentlemen — who when 
Deciding on my Honor will not forget their own — 

The court-martial was unanimously of opinion that 
General Wayne was "not guilty of the charge exhibited 
against him, but that he, on the night of the 20th of 
September last, did every duty that could be expected 
from an active, brave and vigilant officer, under the 
orders which he then had. The Court do acquit him 
with the highest honor." The commander-in-chief ap- 
proved the sentence. 

The official despatch of General Wayne to the com- 
mander-in-chief dissipates, it will be perceived, some of 
the misapprehensions which have been handed down 
to posterity by the popular legend concerning the 
" Paoli massacre." The attack was not, as clearly ap- 
pears, a surprise. The special horror attending it grew 
out of the common belief that all the slaughter of that 
terrible night was due to a complete surprise, and that 
the bayonet alone and no fire-arms were employed. 
But It will be seen that General Wayne states in his 
official report that on the first attack " the enemy and 


we were not more than ten yards distant," and that "a 
well-directed fire fiiutually took place, followed by a 
charge of bayonet." The whole number of Wayne's 
detachment was about twelve hundred men ; of these 
sixty-one were killed. The Americans saved all their 
artillery, ammunition, and stores: so that it would ap- 
pear that, bloody as the fight was, the term "massacre" 
is misapplied. 

In order to ascertain the true sio^nificance of the 
attack at Paoli upon the fortunes of the campaign 
which resulted in the occupation of Philadelphia, a 
somewhat minute account of the movements of Wash- 
ington's army in pursuit of the enemy is necessary. 
That army crossed the Schuylkill on the 14th of Sep- 
tember. On the 15th It advanced along the Lancaster 
Road to a point about twenty miles from the city, near 
the White Horse tavern. The general's object, as 
stated in his letter of that date to the President of Con- 
gress, was to place his army between the enemy and 
the Schuylkill, as it was feared that the British would 
attempt to cross that river at Swede's Ford. On the 
1 6th, near the White Horse tavern, the enemy advanced 
upon our position. Here a skirmish took place, but, a 
violent storm coming up, the conflict ceased for that 
day. Previous to this skirmish Wayne had written on 
the 15th to General Mifflin, foreseeing this movement 
of the enemy and insisting upon the Importance of at- 
tacking them before they reached the fords of the river. 
"We Intend," he says, "to push for the White Horse 
this evening in order to gain their left flank as soon 
as possible. May they not steal a march and pass the 
fords in the vicinity of the Falls unless we march down 


at once and give them battle ?" After the skirmish of 
the 1 6th, in which, by the way, the portion of the Amer- 
ican army engaged did not distinguish itself, the Amer- 
icans took post at the Yellow Springs, about five miles 
from the Paoli, and the British in the Great Valley of 
Chester County near the river. On the 17th our main 
army marched from the Springs northward to War- 
wick, a depot of army ordnance, about nine miles west 
of the river. On the 19th Washington reported to Con- 
gress that he had reached Parker's Ford (Lawrence- 
ville), and that it was his intention to cross the river at 
that point and proceed downward on the east side to 
oppose the enemy's crossing at Fatland and Swede's 
Fords. This was accordingly done. 

In the mean time General Washington, in order to 
facilitate the execution of his plans, detached on the 17th 
from his army at Yellow Springs the divisions of Wayne 
and Smallwood, with instructions to take a position 
secretly in the rear of the British army, so that when the 
enemy began to cross the river at Swede's Ford and 
Fatland (both of which positions Washington had for- 
tified on the east side) it might be attacked in the rear 
by Wayne while the main army would resist its passage 
of the fords. On the igth these orders were repeated 
with increased emphasis. Wayne was directed "to move 
forward on the enemy," and was promised reinforce- 
ments from the divisions of Maxwell and Porter. On 
the 2 1 St, as appears from the following letter, these 
orders were revoked, and Wayne was directed instead 
of moving on the enemy to Join General Washington 
at once. These orders were intercepted by the enemy 
and never reached Wayne's hands. Had they done so 


it would, of course, have been too late, the "massacre" 
having taken place the night before. So completely 
was the communication between Washington and 
Wayne cut off by the British that, although they were 
within a few miles of each other, it is evident from the 
following letter, written on the 23d of September and 
dated " four miles from Pots Grove," that Washing- 
ton had not yet heard of the affair at Paoli, for on the 
same day Washington writes to the President of Con- 
gress (having crossed to the east side of the Schuylkill), 
" I am also obliged to wait for Generals Wayne and 
Smallwood, who were left on the other side of Schuyl- 
kill in hopes of falling upon the enemy's rear, but they 
have eluded them as well as us;" that is, they had crossed 
the fords and were on their march to Philadelphia. 

General Washington to General Wayne. 

Four miles from Pots Grove 23d Sept. 1777 
D'r Sir, — I received your favor of yesterday morning and am 
apprehensive as you have not acknowledged the receipt of a Letter, 
I wrote you the night before [21st], that it has fallen into the Enemy's 
hands. By that I directed Gen'l Smallwood & yourself to march 
immediately with your Respective Corps by the way of Potts-Grove 
to join me. You will both pursue the Line thereby marked out, & 
which I have mentioned above. For it is my wish that we should 
draw our whole force together, as soon as possible, and that I should 
be immediately joined by your Corps. Should we continue detached 
& in a divided state I fear we shall neither be able to attack, or 
defend ourselves with a good prospect of success — 

I am D'r Sir 

Y'r Most Obed Serv't, 

G'e Washington. 

Ser't Bingham & Hambright Crossed at the Middle ferry in One 
of the ferry Boats, being two there — but no Bridge. Mr. Galloway 


has the Inspection of all Mirket people, or Others — and grants 
passes — was very Inquisitive about our Camp 

The Soldiers were very free in expressing their sentiments 

G. Washington. 

Brigad'r Gen'l Wayne. 

The English soldiers do not seem to have proved 
themselves such savages elsewhere as they are repre- 
sented to have been at Paoli. Here is an account of 
their doings on the same night at Waynesborough, the 
residence of the general, about two miles from the 
battle-field : 

East Town Sep'r 22nd 1777 
Dear Anthony, — I am very glad to see a few lines from you as 
we have had disagreeable Acc'ts of the [Torn] terrible Night scare. 
Some said you were killed, & others, that you were a prisoner, I was 
still in hopes of better intelligence ; the Night before last a number 
of the British troops surrounded your House in search of you, but 
being disappointed in not finding you, they took poor Robert & 
James, but behaved with the utmost politeness to the Women, and 
said they only wanted the General. They did not disturb the least 
Article. There has been several Cannon shot heard today in this 
Neighbourhood. I am very uneasy to hear the issue — God Bless 
& preserve you is the sincere prayer of your 

Brother &c 

Ab'm Robinson. 
Sally joins in love — 

General Wayne 

Red Lion. 

Sir William Howe's army having reached German- 
town, and Washington's army being encamped in the 
Whitemarsh Valley, it was determined to attack the 


British as soon as practicable. Washington had learned 
that a considerable portion of the enemy's force had 
been detached to capture the works on the Delaware 
at Billingsport, Mud Island, and Red Bank, which, with 
the obstructions in the river, guarded the approach to 
Philadelphia by water. For obvious reasons, it was 
essential that this approach should be made sure and 
safe for the British fleet. Howe had despatched a con- 
siderable body of men to reduce the works, and Wash- 
ington asked the opinion of his general officers on the 
28th of September whether, while the enemy was thus 
weakened in Germantown, opportunity should not be 
taken to attack them. Generals Smallwood, Scott, 
Wayne, and Porter were in favor of an immediate 
attack, while the other ten general officers thought that 
it should be delayed until they had received the rein- 
forcements which had been sent for from the Northern 
army. As to Wayne's opinion, if we are to judge 
from the annexed letter to his wife, hopeful as he 
was at all times, he was never more hopeful than at 
this crisis, which to many seemed so alarming. The 
letter is interesting, too, as showing his opinion of the 
condition of the army, which, after all the reverses it 
had undergone, is represented as full of health and 

Trappe 30th Sept 1777 
Dear Polly, — I thought that you had a mind far above being 
Depressed at a little unfavourable Circumstance — the Enemy's being 
in Possession of Phila is of no more Consequence than their being 
in possession of the City of New York or Boston — they may hold it 
for a time — but must leave it with Circumstances of shame and Dis- 
grace before the Close of the Winter — 

Our Army is now in full health and spirits, and far stronger than 


it was at the Battle of the Brandywhie — We are daily Receiving 
Reinforcements, and are now drawing near the Enemy — who will 
shortly pay dear for the little Advantages they have lately gained — 
Our Army to the northward under Gen'l Gates is Victorious — mat- 
ters looked much more Gloomy in that Quarter four weeks ago — 
than they do at this time here — it is our turn next — and altho' ap- 
pearances are a little Gloomy at present — yet they will be soon Dis- 
sipated and a more pleasing prospect take place — Give my kindest 
love and wishes to both Our Mothers and Sisters — tell them my 
sword will shortly point out the way to Victory peace and Happi- 
ness — kiss our little people for me — Remove my books and Valua- 
ble Writings some Distance from my own House — if not already 
done — this is but an Act of prudence — and not to be Considered as 
proceeding from any Other Motive 

Adieu my Dear Girl and 

believe me Yours 

Most Sincerely 
Ant'y Wayne. 

Washlnofton on this occasion decided to take the 
advice of the minority of his generals, and on the 3d 
of October he moved his army, consisting of about 
eleven thousand men, from his camp betvv^een the Per- 
kiomen and Skippack Creeks towards the enemy's 
lines at Germantown. According to Washington's plan, 
Sullivan was to command the right wing, composed of 
his own division and that of General Wayne. They 
were to march down the main road from Chestnut Hill 
to Germantown, sometimes called the Skippack Road. 
They were nominally supported on the right by the 
Pennsylvania militia under General Armstrong, who 
took no part in the action, and on the left by General 
Greene. The objective point was the market-house 
in Germantown, near which, extending along School- 
House Lane on the right of the Americans, and on the 


left on Church Lane or near by, the main body of the 
British army was posted. It is not necessary for our 
purpose to discuss the many questions which have been 
debated concerning the behavior of certain corps or of 
certain generals in this battle. It ought, however, to be 
understood that the left wing under General Greene, 
owing to the distance it had to march and the nature of 
the ground, was not able to engage in time the English 
regiments. The result was that Sullivan and Wayne 
were exposed to its attack besides that of the enemy's 
force immediately in their own front. We need only 
recount the part taken by General Wayne and his 
division in the batde, and that is one of the few points 
connected with it about which there never has been 
any difference of opinion. The best account of that 
portion of the engagement in which he and his division 
were the principal actors is given in his letter to his 
wife, and in the relation of an officer of the Fifty-Second 
English Regiment, both of which are subjoined. 

General Wayne to Mrs. Wayne. 

Camp near Pawling Mill 

6th Oct 1777 

Dear Polly, — On the 4th Instant at the dawn of day we attacked 
General Howe's Army at the upper end of Germantown — The 
Action soon became General — when we advanced on the Enemy with 
Charged Bayonets — they broke at first without waiting to Receive us 
— but soon formed again — when a heavy and well directed tire took 
place on each side — The Enemy again gave way — but being sup- 
ported by the Grenadiers Returned to the Charge — Gen'l Sullivans 
Division & Conways Brigade were at this time Engaged to the Right 
or west of Germantown — whilst my Division had the Whole Right 
wing of the Enemy's Army to Encounter on the left or east of tha 
Town — two thirds of our army being then too far to the east to afford 


us any Assistance. However the Unparalelled bravery of the troops 
surmounted every Difficulty, and the enemy retreated in the utmost 
Confusion — Our people Remembering the Action of the Night of 
the 20th of Sep'r near the Warren — pushed on with their Bayonets — 
and took Ample Vengeance for that Nights Work — Our Officers 
Exerted themselves to save many of the poor wretches who were 
Crying for Mercy — but to little purpose; the Rage and fury of the 
Soldiers were not to be Restrained for some time — at least not 
until great numbers of the Enemy fell by our Bayonets — the fog 
together with the smoke Occasioned by our Cannon, and Musketry 
— made it almost as dark as night — our people mistaking one 
Another for the Enemy frequently Exchanged several shots before 
they discovered their Error — we had now pushed the Enemy near 
three miles and were in possession of their whole Encampment 
when a large body of troops were Discovered Advancing on our 
left flank — which being taken for the Enemy we retreated. After 
Retreating for about two miles we found it was our own people — 
who were Originally Designed to Attack the Right Wing of the 
Enemy's Army — 

The fog and this mistake prevented us from following a victory 
that in all Human probability would have put an end to the 
American War — 

Gen'l Howe for a long time could not persuade himself that we 
had run from Victory — but the fog clearing up he ventured to follow 
us with all his Infantry, Grenadiers and Light Horse with some field 
pieces — I, at this time was in the Rear and finding Mr. Howe 
Determined to push us hard, drew up in Order of Battle — and 
waited his Approach — • 

When he Advanced near we gave him a few Cannon shot with 
some Musketry — which caused him to break and Run with the utmost 
Confusion — this ended the Action of that day — which Continued 
without Intermission from day light until near twelve O' Clock — I 
had forgotten to mention that my Roan Horse was killed under me 
within a few yards of the Enemy's front — and my left foot a little 
bruised by one of their Cannon shot — but not so much as to prevent 
me from walking — my poor horse Received one Musket Ball in the 
breast — and one in the flank at the same Instant that I had a slight 
touch on my left hand — which is scarcely worth mentioning — upon 


the Whole it was a Glorious day — Our men are in the highest 
Spirits — and I am Confident we shall give them a total Defeat the 
next Action ; which is at no great Distance 
My best love and wishes to all friends 

Adieu my Dear Girl 

Ant'y Wayne. 

N.B, I have heard that you Intend to send Rachel to market — 
I would not have it done for One thousand Guineas — 

From "History of the Fifty-Second British Regiment,'''' hy General 


"The first that General Howe knew of Washington's marching 
against us was by his attacking us at daybreak. General Wayne 
commanded the advance and fully expected to be avenged for the 
surprise we had given him. When the first shots were fired at our 
pickets, so much had we all Wayne's affair in remembrance that the 
battalion were out under arms in a minute. At this time the day 
had just broke, but it was a very foggy morning, and so dark that 
we could not see a hundred yards before us. Just as the battalion 
formed, the pickets came in and said the enemy were advancing in 
force. They had barely joined the battalion when we heard a loud 
cry, 'Have at the bloodhounds, revenge Wayne's affair!' and they 
immediately fired a volley. We gave them one in return, cheered 
and charged. As it was near the end of the campaign, our battalion 
was very weak ; it did not consist of more than 300 men, and we 
had no support nearer than German town a mile in our rear. On 
our charging they gave way on all sides, but again and again re- 
newed the attack with fresh troops and a greater force. We charged 
them twice till the battalion was so reduced by killed and wounded 
that the bugle was sounded to retreat ; indeed, had we not retreated 
at the time we did we should all have been taken or killed, as two 
columns of the enemy had nearly got round our flank. But this 
was the first time we had ever retreated from the Americans, and it 
was with great difficulty we could get the men to obey our orders. 

"The enemy were kept so long in check that the two Brigades 
had advanced to the entrance of Beggarstown, when they met our 
battalion retreating. By this time General Howe had come up, and 
seeing the battalion retreating, all broken, he got into a passion, 



and exclaimed, * For shame, Light Infantry, I never saw you retreat 
before, form ! form ! it is only a scouting party.' However he was 
quickly convinced that it was more than a scouting party as the 
heads of the enemy's columns soon appeared. One coming through 
Beggarstown with three pieces of cannon in their front immediately 
fired with grape at the crowd that was standing with General Howe 
under a large chestnut tree. I think I never saw people enjoy a 
discharge of grape before, but we really all felt pleased to see the 
enemy make such an appearance, and to hear the grape rattle about 
the Commander in-Chief 's ears, after he had accused the battalion 
of having run away from a scouting party." 

In these three engagements of Brandywine, PaoH, 
and Germantovvn, in which Wayne's division was so 
conspicuous, that division was composed entirely of 
Pennsylvania troops. They were engaged for the first 
time in any serious conflict in these three battles on 
their native soil, striving to rescue the chief city of 
their Province from the grasp of the enemy. General 
Wayne's force at no time during the campaign ex- 
ceeded fifteen hundred men, rank and file, present for 
duty. It seems that we ought to dwell upon the mili- 
tary behavior of these men during the campaign, while 
recountine the achievements of their leader with a little 
more fulness than is usual. Unfortunately, our records 
tell us chiefly of the conduct of the field officers of the 
reeiments, although nothinor can be clearer than that 
many an unnamed hero fell in the performance of his 
duty, whose memory we are forced to leave " unwept, 
unhonored, and unsung." Wayne's division was made 
up, as we have said, of two brigades, both composed 
of four infantry regiments. They were commanded 
during the Revolution, and especially in the campaign 
which ended with the battle of Germantown, by men who 


in that day were noted in the army for their devotion, 
capacity, and courage. The possession of these quali- 
ties is attested by the manner in which they bore the 
trials, fatigues, and dangers of the campaign, and by the 
number of the officers who were killed and wounded 
during its duration of about twenty days. When we 
recall the steadiness with which this division held its 
post at Chad's Ford until the right wing of the army 
had been broken up and was retreating, and its brilliant 
charge which pursued the enemy's force for nearly 
three miles through the street at Germantown, and 
which needed only the support that it had a right to 
count upon, but which it did not receive, to make that 
battle, in the language of its intrepid commander, "a 
victory that in all human probability would have put 
an end to the American war," we may well be proud 
of the deeds of the Pennsylvania line in the Army of 
the Revolution. The hardships of the campaign in 
which these men were engaged is shown by this, that 
at its close scarcely more than half the men with which 
it was beg-un remained in the ranks. 

Most of the officers who led the regiments had been 
fellow-soldiers of Wayne from the beginning, and ex- 
perience had inspired them with confidence in the ca- 
pacity of their leader. Colonel Chambers of the First 
Regiment, of whose exploits in recovering the guns at 
Brandywine we have spoken, was a veteran at that time 
in the Army of the Revolution. He had stood by 
Arnold's side when he was wounded at the battle of 
Bemis Heights, and had gained great credit for his gal- 
lantry in the fierce assault made on the German troops 
of Burgoyne's army; he had also led the regiment in 


its charge upon the troops occupying- the town of New 
Brunswick, and had driven them out of their intrench- 
ments. In the most hazardous service at Brandywine 
he was, as we have said, wounded, and notwithstanding 
he and a considerable number of his officers and men 
were disabled by the fire of the enemy, they retained 
steadily their position, and with the rest of the division 
retreated in good order. 

The Second Regiment was commanded at the bat- 
tle of Germantown by Major Williams until he fell, 
wounded, and was taken prisoner. Captain Howell 
then assumed the command. The regiment seems to 
have lost heavily both at Brandywine and at German- 
town, six lieutenants besides its commander having in 
these two battles been either killed or wounded. 

The Third, Colonel Craig, the Sixth, Colonel Bicker, 
the Ninth, Colonel Nagel, and the Twelfth, Colonel 
Cook, were not under Wayne's command, but formed 
Conway's brigade of Lord Stirling's division at Brandy- 
wine and Germantown. Of this brigade La Fayette 
speaks in his Memoirs, He tells of the brilliant manner 
in which "General Conway (the Gallicized Hibernian), 
Chevalier of St. Louis, acquitted himself at the head of 
his brigade of eight hundred men in the encounter 
with the troops of Cornwallis near Birmingham Meet- 

The Fourth lost half of its effective force in this 
short campaign, its major, Lamar, having been killed 
and six of his lieutenants wounded at Paoli. The last 
words of Major Lamar on receiving his death-wound 
were, " Halt, boys. Give these assassins one fire." 

Of the Fifth at Brandywine, Colonel Francis Johnston 


was taken prisoner, and its lieutenant-colonel, Frazer, 
and the adjutant, Harper, were captured the next day. 
One captain was made prisoner at Germantown, and 
the major and two lieutenants were wounded. In 
the Seventh, commanded by Lieutenant- Colonel Grier, 
he and two of his captains and four lieutenants were 
wounded at Paoli, and sixty-one of the rank and file 
of the regiment were killed, besides a large number 
wounded or taken prisoners. Part of the Eighth Regi- 
ment had been detached, and was acting as a rifle 
corps in the place of Morgan's, which had been sent 
to the northward. Its lieutenant-colonel, Stephen 
Bayard, did gallant service, and was wounded. Doubt- 
less much the same report might be made of the other 
regiments of the Pennsylvania line which we have not 
named, but either the record of their services has not 
been preserved or it is too imperfect to permit us to 
speak of them with certainty. What Wayne said of his 
own officers in the official account which we have given 
of the affair at Paoli, of Hartley, of Humpton, of Brod- 
head, of Grier, of William Buder, and of Hubley, might 
doubtless have been said with equal truth of all his 
officers and their subordinates who served during the 
campaign, of the living as of the dead, of the prisoner 
as well as of the freeman. None the less the organiza- 
tion was much broken up by the hardships the men had 
undergone, and a new "arrangement," as it was called, 
was made at the close of the year. The appointment 
of the following officers to vacancies may indicate 
Wayne's estimate of their conduct during the cam- 
paign : Colonels : Nagel to the Tenth ; Bicker to the 
Second; R. Butler to the Ninth ; Thomas Craig to the 


Third. Lieut e?ia?tt- Colonels : Smith to the Ninth ; Miller 
to the Second ; Harmar to the Sixth ; Thomas Robin- 
son to the Seventh; Bruner to the Third; S. Bayard 
to the Eighth ; Caleb North to the Eleventh. Majors : 
Nichol to the Ninth; Church to the Fourth; Hulings 
to the Third ; James Moore to the Seventh ; Vernon 
to the Eighth ; Taylor to the Fifth ; Tolbert to the 
Sixth ; Ryan to the Tenth. 

After the battle of Germantown the first subject 
which claimed the attention of the commander-in-chief 
was the strengthening of the posts at Billingsport on 
the Jersey side of the Delaware, and of Forts Mifflin 
and Red Bank on opposite shores of the river just 
above. The fortifications at these places, with the 
chevaux-de-frise stretched across the river which they 
protected, closed, as we have said, the access of the 
English fleet to the city. With the army at Philadel- 
phia and the fleet below constandy striving to furnish 
supplies by the only route by which they could reach 
it in sufficient quantities, it will be at once seen that 
it was of the utmost importance that the Americans 
should maintain these obstacles to a communication 
between the fleet and the army. Washington at that 
time did not consider his force sufficiently strong to 
detach any portion of it to relieve the garrisons at 
these posts, or to draw off the attention of the enemy 
by a counter-movement. Left to themselves, therefore, 
the garrisons, with the assistance of Commodore Hazle- 
wood of the Pennsylvania Navy, defended these posts 
during more than six weeks with a bravery as heroic 
as that displayed at any time during the war. Billings- 
port, the lowest post, was abandoned in order to con- 


centrate the whole disposable force at Red Bank (Fort 
Mercer) and at Mud Island (Fort Mifflin). Colonel 
Greene was in command of the garrison of the former, 
composed at this time of about four hundred troops. 
On the 2 2d of October a force of Hessians twelve 
hundred strong was sent against it, under the command 
of Count Donop. Their attack, which was very ener- 
getic, was repulsed with a loss of about four hundred 
men, and Count Donop was mortally wounded. At 
the same time an effort was made to attack Fort Mifflin, 
on the opposite shore, by ships of war, but two of the 
vessels, the Augusta and the Merlin, ran aground and 
were burned by the Americans, This success revived 
greatly the hopes of the Americans of preventing the 
fleet from reaching the city, and strengthened their 
determination to maintain the possession of these forts. 
Howe was engaged in constructing redoubts and bat- 
teries on Province Island, on the west side of the Dela- 
ware, separated from Fort Mifflin by a strait about five 
hundred yards wide, to enable him to get possession of 
these forts. To relieve Fort Mifflin it was necessary 
to capture these batteries on Province Island. To 
effect this object would have required, in the opinion 
of Washington and many of his generals, a greater 
force than he had at his disposal, and the hope was 
that the fort would hold out until the expected rein- 
forcements from the northward should arrive. Such 
was the condition of things when General Wayne pro- 
posed to the commander-in-chief that he should lead an 
expedition to capture the batteries on Province Island 
by a coup-de-main. General Washington declined to 
approve the plan, and on the loth of November a 


combined attack by the English naval forces and the 
land batteries on Province Island was made on the 
fort, so terrible in its character, and made with so over- 
whelming a force, that the garrison, which had fought 
with heroic bravery, was obliged to evacuate the ruins. 
That General Wayne urged an expedition for the relief 
of the fort, which he was to lead, is not generally known, 
and, as far as I am aware, no statement of his plans 
has ever been made in print. General Washington's 
letter to the President of Congress, in which he ex- 
plains why the attempt was not made, is better known. 
This letter, and that of General Wayne to Mr. Peters 
concerning his projected share in the expedition, are 
given here in order that the reader may compare them. 
It is not easy to reconcile their statements. 

General VVasliingion to the President of Congress, lyth November, 

Sir, — I am sorry to inform you tliat Fort Mifflin was evacuated 
the night before last after a defence which does credit to the Amer- 
ican army and will ever reflect the highest honor upon the officers 
and men of the garrison. 

The only remaining and practicable mode of giving relief to 
the Fort was by dislodging the enemy from Province Island, from 
whence they kept up an incessant fire. But this from the situation 
of the ground was not to be attempted with any degree of safety to 
the attacking party unless the whole, or a considerable part of the 
army should be removed to the west side of the Schuylkill to sup- 
port and cover it. 

After explaining that a force marching down the road 
from the Blue Bell at Darby to Province Island would 
have been in imminent danger of being cut off by the 
enemy's force crossing the Schuylkill at Market Street 


ferry and attacking the rear of the American detach- 
ment, he adds, — 

It was therefore determined a few days ago to wait the arrival 
of the reinforcements from the Northward before any alteration 
could safely be made in the disposition of the Army ; and I was not 
without hopes that the fort would have held out till that time. 

General Waytie to Mr. Peters, Secretary of War. 

Camp White Marsh i8th Nov. 1777 

Dear Sir, — Before this reaches you the loss of Fort Mifflin has 
been Announced — that Garrison has done its duty — would to God 
that it had been equally done in an Other Quarter ! 

Six weeks Investiture and no Attempt to raise the siege of that 
fort — will scarcely be Credited at an Other day — you'l ask what was 
the cause of this Supineness — an over stretched caution, which is 
oftentimes attended with as fatal Consequences, as too much rash- 
ness, the present, as well as some past events, fully evinces the truth 
of this position. 

Whenever that Subject was mentioned, new Difficulties were al- 
ways raised sufficient to prevent any measures being taken for that 
purpose — until His Excellency, seeing the Absolute necessity of 
making every possible effort to eff'ect so Desirable an Object, Or- 
dered some Gent'n in whom he could Confide to Reconnoitre the 
Ground in the Vicinity of Province Island, the position of the 
Enemies works and the Avenues leading to them — on their Return 
a Council was held — the practicability as well as the Immediate 
Necessity of raising the Siege was urged in the most clear and 
pointed terms — the measure was again over ruled — but His Excel- 
lency had Determined to act the General — the Army was to have 
passed the Schuylkill and taken post near the middle ferry [Market 
Street] — whilst my Division with Morgan's Corps, were to proceed 
to Province Island, and there Storm the Enemies lines, spike their 
Cannon, and Ruin their works — 

There was some Difficulty, as well as Danger in the Attempt — but 
the success depended more on the fortitude of the Troops, and the 
Vigor with which the Attack was made — than upon Numbers — His 


Excellency had charged me with the Conduct and execution of this 
business — I knew my Troops & gladly Embraced the Command, 
but the Evacuation of that Important fortress, the Evening preceed- 
ing the day on which the Storm was to have taken place, frustrated 
an Expedition which Afforded the most flattering prospect of once 
more possessing Phil'a and Obliging the Enemy to seek for Quarters 
in a less Hostile place — These hopes are now Vanished — I fear I 
Augured but too true when I Informed you of the probable fate of 
our fleet and Works on the River — nothing will prevent its taking 
place but his Excellency sometimes act'g without his Council. 

It was a saying of one of the first of Generals, that whenever he 
Intended to do [blot] he always called a Council of War — I believe 
it was the surest way to do nothing — yet I would not be understood 
to lay Councils Entirely aside — Altho' I am well Convinced that the 
doubts raised, and the Delays Occasion'd by these Councils, Often 
prevent a General from taking the Advantage of the Most favour- 
able Circumstances, and from Striking the most Capital Strokes — 
There has been more than one Instance of the truth of this Obser- 
vation during this Campaign. 

We have yet a Capital game to play — and if we are not too fond 
of keeping the Cards in our hands we may make the Odd trick — but 
if we should still Remain Inactive — a few days will force us from 
the field — Our poor naked soldiers, begin to Complain of the Cold 
and look up to us for Relief — I never pass along the line, but Ob- 
jects strike my eye, which give a painful and Melancholy Sensa- 
tion, that almost Induces me to wish I was past either seeing or 
hearing — Indeed Sir, Nothing but the doubtful state we are in should 
keep me a Single Moment in the Service that has become almost 

I herewith send you the proceedings of a Gen'l Court Martial 
held on me the 30th Ultimo. I wish to Convince my friends and the 
publick that I have done my Duty — and that I may Quit the Service 
with as much Credit as I entered into it 

I am Sir Your Most Ob't and very 

Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

[Rich'd Peters, Esqr., 
Sec'y of War.] 


The three subjects which engaged General Wayne's 
most anxious attention during the autumn of 1777 and 
the winter encampment of the army at Valley Forge 
■were — ist, the expediency and necessity of carrying on 
an active campaign ; 2d, measures for providing the 
men under his command with suitable clothing and 
food during the winter; 3d, the necessity of filling up 
the ranks of his regiments, depleted by sickness, de- 
sertion, and the expiration of the term of the men's 

In his efforts to bring about an active campaign, 
Wayne exhibited some of his most characteristic quali- 
ties. Four different times between the middle of Oc- 
tober and the close of the year 1777, while the army 
lay encamped at White Marsh and Valley Forge, he 
urged upon the commander-in-chief the expediency of 
taklnof the field. The letters in which he outlined his 
plans and advocated their adoption are found among 
his correspondence. They prove even to those not 
familiar with military science and strategy how earnest 
was his conviction that their adoption must aid the 
American cause. The first of these letters, that to 
Mr. Secretary Peters, dated the 1 8th of November, has 
been already given, and it is rather an expression of his 
opinion concerning the timidity and stupidity of those 
of his fellow-officers who advocated a do-nothing policy, 
and of patriotic grief at the results which had followed 
the adoption of such a system, than a suggestion of 
new enterprises. The other three letters are addressed 
to the commander-in-chief. In the first, dated Octo- 
ber 27, in answer to the general's question whether 
it would be prudent in our present circumstances to 


attempt to drive the enemy from their works (before the 
surrender of Forts Mifflin and Mercer), Wayne urges, 
as willr be seen from the letter itself, the adoption of an 
elaborate plan of attack, by which the enemy could be 
dislodged, and he insists upon the absolute necessity 
at any rate of making the effort. In the second, dated 
25th of November, likewise in reply to a letter from 
General Washingfton consultinor him as to the course 
he should pursue, he urges most earnestly that "your 
Excellency should march to-morrow morning," and he 
fortifies his appeal as to the immediate necessity of 
giving battle by expressing " solemnly and clearly" his 
" opinion that the credit of the army, the safety of 
the country, the honor of the American arms, the ap- 
proach of winter that must in a few days force you 
from the field, and, above all, the depreciation of the 
currency, point out the immediate necessity of giving 
the enemy battle." It should not be forgotten that 
this letter was written at the beo-Innlna- of the memora- 
ble winter of 'i-'J'jy—'J^, memorable for the agony and 
suffering of ill-fed and almost naked soldiers subject to 
the hardships and exposure (easily preventable) which 
they were called upon to undergo during their encamp- 
ment at Valley Forge. In the third, dated December 4, 
also addressed to General Washington, he urges — most 
sensibly, as It seems to us — a modified plan of a winter 
campaign. These letters are very characteristic. They 
are filled with a certain noble enthusiasm and patriotic 
ardor which evidently regard no interests worth pur- 
suing save those of the writer's country, then in the 
supremest hour of her distress. They should be care- 
fully read, bearing in mind that every word he uses was 


carefully weighed, and that he was not only willing but 
anxious to do his share in the hazardous operations he 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Oct 27, 1777 

Sir, — The first Question you offer is " Whether it will be prudent 
in our present circumstances & Strength to Attempt (by a General 
attack) to Dislodge the enemy, and if it is, and we unsuccessful, 
where shall we Retreat to" — I am not perfectly acquainted with our 
Circumstances or Strength — I have some knowledge of it as well as 
that of the Enemy's which nearly meets the Idea I always enter- 
tained of it — however I might have differed with Other Gentlemen 
on the Occasion — when I gave my Opinion for the Attack at Ger- 
mantown I did not Diminish their Numbers — In point of Position 
they had then much the Advantage of us — the Ground they Occu- 
pied was Strong — many Roads led immediately for our flanks — In 
their present position — it may be said their flanks are covered — as 
to ours when once we move to the Attack — we shall be under no 
Apprehension of either being outflanked or Enclosed in the Rear — 
In case of a misfortune we have every Road and the Whole Country 
open to favor our Retreat — the shipping at the same time may move 
up to favour our Attack or Retreat — the Militia from the Other Side 
of Schuylkill with a few field pieces will not only draw the Attention 
of the Enemy to them but will Annoy and Enfilade them This 
will also facilitate the Victory or Cover the Retreat — It may be 
necessary to Offer some Reasons for giving this advice — they are 
these Viz — if the Enemy are not Immediately Dislodged — all our 
Defenses and Shipping on the River will Inevitably fall into their 
hands — they will thereby secure to themselves Comfortable Winter 
Quarters, the Inclemency of the Weather will soon force your Army 
from the field — if you should Attempt to keep it you will lose more 
men by sickness Desertion and other Concomitant evils Incident to 
a Naked Discontented Army — than you would in the Severest Action 
— add to this the small prospect of Recruiting or Strengthening 
your Force under the present Militia acts — especially as your Officers 
will necessarily be Engaged in the field — For ray own part I am 
well Convinced that on the Activity and Prowess of our present 


Troops much Depends — which Induces nie to wish for an Immediate 
Attack — that if unsuccessful we may Retire to some Other place 
best Suited to Receive us and wliere we may Clothe and Refresh our 
Troops, and Employ our Officers on the Recruiting Service — to 
attempt to prevent the Enemy from Drawing Supplies when they 
are once in Possession of the River will Answer no Other end than 
to fatigue and Destroy our own Soldiers — 

Anthony Wayne. 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Camp at White Marsh 25th Nov. 1777 

Sir, — After the most Dispassionate & Deliberate Consideration 
of the question your Excellency was Pleased to put to the Council 
of Gen'l Officers last evening — I am Solemnly and Clearly of Opin- 
ion J that the Credit of the Army under your Command — the Safety 
of the Country — the Honor of the American Arms — the Approach 
of Winter that must in a few days force you from the field, and 
above all the Depreciation of the Currency of these States, point out 
the Immediate Necessity of giving the Enemy Battle — 

Could they possibly be drawn from their lines it is a Measure 
devoutly to be wished — but if that can not be Affected It is my 
Opinion that your Excellency should march tomorrow morning and 
take post with this Army at the Upper end of Germantown, and 
from thence Immediately detach a Working party to throw up some 
Redoubts under the Direction of your Engineers, — this Intelligence 
will reach the Enemy — they will Conclude that you intend to make 
good your Winter Quarters there — and however Desirous they may 
be to Dislodge you — they Can't attempt it until they withdraw their 
Troops from the Jerseys — this can not be done in the course of a 
night — 

By this manoeuvre you will be within striking distance, the Enemy 
will be Deceived by your Working party and lulled into Security — 
your Troops will be fresh and ready to move that Night so as to 
Arrive at the Enemy's lines before day light on this day morning 
— agreeable to the proposed plan of Attack — the outlines of which 
are good and may be Improved to Advantage ; and Crowned with 
Success — 

It has been Objected by some Gentlemen that the Attack is 


hazardous — that if we prevail it will be Attended with great loss — 
I agree with the Gentlemen in their position. 

But however hazardous the Attempt and Altho' some loss is Certain 
— yet it is my Opinion that you will not be in a Worse Situation — 
nor your Arms in less Credit if you should meet with a Misfortune 
than if you were to Remain Inactive. 

The eyes of all the World are fixed on you — the Junction of the 
Northern Army gives the Country and Congress some expectations 
that Vigorous efforts will be made to Dislodge the Enemy — and 
Oblige them to seek for Winter Quarters in a less hostile place than 

It's not in our power to Command Success — but it is in our power 
to produce a Conviction to the World that we deserve it — 
Interim I am your Excellency's most 

Ob't Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

General Washington to General Wayne. 

Sir, — I wish to recall your attention to the important matter 
recommended to your Consideration some time ago — Namely the 
Adviseability of a Winter Campaign, & practicability of an Attempt 
upon Philad'a with the Aid of a Considerable body of Militia to be 
Assembled at an appointed time & place. Particular reasons urge 
me to request your Sentiments on this matter by the morning, & I 
shall expect to receive them accordingly in writing by that time. 

I am Sir 

Your mo Obed't Servant 

G'e Washington. 

Dec'r 3d 1777 

[Brig'r Gen'l Wayne. 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Camp 4th Dec'r 1777 

Sir, — I am not for a Winters Campaign in the Open field — the 

Distressed and Naked Situation of your Troops will not Admit of it. 

But if taking post at Wilmington & the Villages in its Vicinity — 

or Hutting at the Distance of about twenty Miles West of Phil'a by 


way of Quarters (which will not only support the Honor & Repu- 
tation of your Army in the eyes of the Enemy and the States of 
Europe — but will give Confidence to America — and Cover this 
Country against the Horrid rapine and Devastation of a Wanton 
Enemy,) be Deemed making a Winters Campaign — I am then for it 
upon every principle of Honor — policy and justice. 

The probability of a Successful Attack upon Phil'a during the 
Winter depends so much on time, Season & a Variety of Other Cir- 
cumstances — that the Calling out the Militia in General may not be 
Strictly Warrantable. 

Notwithstanding I wish to see a proper number Always hanging 
on the Skirts of the Enemy, sufficient to prevent any small parties 
from Committing Depredations — to save the Continental Troops 
from that fatigue — and should the Enemy move out in force — to 
give timely Notice thereof and to Assist in their Repulse — 

I am your Excellency's Most Ob't 

and very Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne E.G. 

[Genl. Washington.] 

Wayne felt most deeply the loss of the forts on the 
Delaware. He writes to Gates very much in the same 
strain as he had done to Peters.' *' We have lost Fort 
Mifflin," he says, "after an investment of six weeks 
without any attempt to raise the siege, the consequence 
of which will be the loss of all our other works and 
shipping on the river. ... I have thus given you a 
true picture of our present situation, over which I 
wish to draw a veil until our arms procure one more 
lovely, which I don't despair of, if our worthy General 
will but follow his own good judgment without listen- 
ing too much to some counsel." 

Of the seventeen general officers of the army whom 
Washing-ton was in the habit of consultinsf before he 

' Reed's Reed, 342. 


took any important step, Wayne was always one of 
that gallant minority whose " voice was still for war." 
His notion of the duty of a soldier was that while he 
should not be governed by a rash foolhardiness, which 
as often leads to disaster as to victory, he should never- 
theless maintain a steady, bold self-confidence, which 
recoo^nizes that there is no successful war unless pro- 
digious risks are taken. His temperament was not 
one which could feel any sympathy with the doubts 
and misgivings of a council of war such as Wash- 
ington could convene, especially as he knew that its 
opinion was founded upon a contempt for the military 
qualities of the American soldier as compared with 
those which were supposed to characterize his adver- 
sary. He knew that there was something of the same 
feeling common among certain generals that prevailed 
among the officers of the Royal army when they were 
acting with the Provincial troops before the-Revolution. 
He knew that victory was impossible while such a feel- 
ing prevailed, and therefore by temperament, as well as 
a matter of calculation, he always set an example which 
inspired his men with self-confidence, the principal ele- 
ment in which he felt they were deficient. Hence he 
not only advocated measures which sometimes seemed 
to his fellow-officers desperate and rash, but he was 
always the leader in their execution. And it is curious to 
observe that from enterprises of this description, which 
his own brave heart told him were feasible, depending, 
as he said, " not on the numbers, but the vigor of the 
men engaged," such as the storming of Stony Point, 
or the change of the fortunes of the day at Monmouth 
(where he was obliged to withstand at the same moment 



the treason of Lee and the charo-e of the Eng-Hsh eren- 
adiers), or the extraordinary presence of mind and 
courage which he exhibited at Green Spring, although 
on all of these occasions those around him felt that he 
was fighting his last battle, he emerged, not unhurt, but 
triumphant. However wearied and disgusted he was 
with what he regarded as the timidity and incapacity of 
many of the generals, nothing was more striking than 
his unwavering loyalty to his venerated chief under all 
his trials. Washington's indecision, at times, Wayne 
ascribed wholly to his own modesty, and to his readiness 
to yield to inferior men who had had more military ex- 
perience than himself, — notably Lee and Gates. No 
one was more shocked than he by the intrigues of the 
Conway Cabal, and no one deserved as no one gained 
more fully during and after the war the unlimited con- 
fidence of Washino^ton. 

The army having gone into winter quarters at Valley 
Forge, Wayne was soon obliged to turn his attention 
to a very essential part of a general's duty, — that of 
providing suitable clothing for his men, and recruiting 
their numbers diminished by sickness and desertion. 
His correspondence during the terrible winter of 1777— 
78, showing how constant were his efforts to compass 
these two objects, is most interesting and instructive 
as confirming the traditions which have been handed 
down to us of the suffering at Valley Forge, and show- 
ing that the inefficiency of the service was due in a great 
measure to a lack of administrative capacity (at least 
as far as the Pennsylvania troops were concerned) on 
the part of the State authorities. One loses patience 
as he reads Wayne's complaints of the neglect of the 


commonest wants of the soldier, and the ridiculous 
excuses that were made for not supplying them. It is, 
indeed, humiliating to read in the Wayne correspond- 
ence the story of this great neglect, — to discover, for 
instance, that four months after the battle of Brandy- 
wine the officers who had lost all their baorofao-e in that 
engagement had not yet been supplied with new gar- 
ments ; that such were the destitution and nakedness of 
the troops at Valley Forge that Wayne himself purchased 
the cloth for the articles his men most needed, hoping — 
as it turned out, in vain — to have the garments made 
up in the camp ; that the State Clothier-General refused 
to issue the cloth which he had in store, through some 
absurd rule in his opinion justifying his action. Thus, 
when the proper officer called for shoes repeatedly, 
they were not issued because no order of council had 
been voted which directed them to be delivered. On 
the 1 2th of March Wayne sends Colonel Bayard to Lan- 
caster to procure arms and clothing, but the result is 
broken promises only. In despair he turns to the 
President of the Council, or Governor, and tells him of 
the need of supplies and of recruits for the Pennsyl- 
vania line. He is told in reply that he should send out 
more recruiting officers, and that as to the non-receipt 
of the clothing, the delay is caused by a want of buttons J- 
In order that a true view of the condition of the 

^ It is usual to attribute the chaotic condition of the public service, 
so far at least as regards the supply of the needs of the Pennsylvania 
soldiers, to factional strife in the Assembly. It is more probable 
that it was due to the inexperience, the incapacity, and possibly in 
some cases the corruption, of the men whom the new government 
had brought into power. 


army at Valley Forge at that time, and of the em- 
barrassments and difficulties which surrounded General 
Wayne in his efforts to procure clothing and recruits, 
may be obtained, the following letters from the cor- 
respondence are given : 

General Wayne to Mr. Peters, Secretary of War. 

Lancaster 26th Jan'y 1778. 

Dear Sir, — Col. Miller in Virtue of an Appointment from me 
under the authority of the Board of War purchased a Quantity 
of Cloth in York Town for the use of the Officers & Soldiers of 
this State, — the Officers having lost their Baggage Immediately after 
the Battle of Brandywine are at present Almost Destitute of Clothing, 
part of the Cloth, which the Colonel has purchased was for the use 
of those Officers, and yet remains in the hands of the Merchants 
who do not wish to deliver it until they know where to Receive their 

The Clothier General has peremptorily refused paying Col. Miller's 
Orders in favour of those Merchants — so that unless the Board will 
please to give Col. Miller Credit for a Sum of Money for the pur- 
pose of paying for them & to be Accountable for the same to Col. 
Johnston the Clothier Gen'l of this State the Officers must suffer or 
Quit the Service — 

I have this moment rec'd the Enclosed. A number of Officers from 
the Respective Regt's of this State are now here with the Measures 
to make the Officers Clothing by but the Cloth to make them is in 
York under the Circumstances I have mentioned — 

I must therefor Request you to lay the matter before the Board, 
and fall upon some Other mode than Orders on the Clothier Gen'l 
as directed by the Within Copy — for those who have ever Rec'd an 
Order in that way will never be Induced to part with their goods on 
the same ground in future — 

I am too much Interested in the freedom and happiness of America 
to withdraw from the Army at this Crisis I believe I have a much 
greater share of Care and Difficulty than Ought to come to the pro- 
portion of one Officer — Unfortunately there is no Other Gen'l in 
the Penns'a line, belonging to this Army — We Derive but little 


Assistance from the Civil Authority, and every let and hindrance in 
the power of the Clothier General seems to be thrown in the way 
— so that I am almost tempted to — 

but I will, at all events, provide for my poor fellows before I consult 
my own ease & happiness 

Interim I am your Most Ob't 

Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

[Rich'd Peters Esqr.] 

General Wayne to the Clothier General. 

Mount Joy 6th Feb'y 1778 
Dear Sir, — Col Chambers will wait on you with a Return of 
Clothing, for the Serjants Drums & fifes of my Division I wish to 
see them make a Decent Appearance on the parade, at present they 
are Almost Naked — if you cant Conveniently have the Uniforms 
made up at Lancaster — will you be so kind as to Order them to be 
cut out and Delivered to Col Hartley — together with the Materials 
for making them up — which I can have done in Camp — the Col will 
pass his Rect. for the Whole. 

I am Sir your Most Ob't Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[James Mease Esqr 
Clothier General] 

Commissary Lang to General Wayne. 

Lancaster Feby 7th 1778 
Hon'd Sir, — You can not Conceive how Uneasy I am from want 
of Instructions from Council concerning the Sending necessaries 
to Camp for the troops You can now be furnished with 300 pair of 
shoes more but they (the Council) have not fixed the issueing time 
as yet. Some shirts & stockings & Good Breeches are in my posses- 
sion, on which account I only await your Orders & their Leave. 
Application has been made by the other five Reg'ts of the state who 
have no Shoes as yet & represent themselves in Very great Want. 
Possibly this may soon Lessen the number now in my hands. Pray 


send a receipt for the 301 pairs you got of Mr Henry along with 
your first order & oblige Sir your 

Most Obedient Ser't 

Ja's Lang 
[The Hon'bl Anthony Wayne, Esq'r, 
Brigad'r Gen'll at Camp, 
Near Valley Forge.] 

General Wayne to Mr. Peters, Secretary of War. 

Mount Joy 8th Feby 1778 

Dear Sir, — On my Arrival in Camp I found the Division in a 
much worse Condition for the Want of Clothing and every Other 
matter than I expected — I am endeavouring to Remedy the De- 
fects & hope soon to Restore Order, Introduce Discipline and Con- 
tent — all which was much Wanting and desertion prevailing fast — 
I flatter myself that I have so much the Esteem and Confidence of 
my Troops — that Desertion will no longer take place — lam happy 
to Inform you that there is not a single Instance since my Return — 

I find the Enclosed Deficiency in Bayonets which I wish an Order 
for from the Board of War on Mr. William Henry at Lancaster — 
with directions to make them Eighteen Inches long in the blade 
together with an Equal Number of Scabbards and belts — I would 
also wish to exchange a Number of Rifles for Muskets and Bayonets — 
I don't like rifles — I would almost as soon face an Enemy with a 
good Musket and Bayonet without amunition — as with amunition 
without a Bayonet for altho' there are not many Instances of bloody 
bayonets yet I am Confident that one bayonet keeps off" an Other — 
and for the AVant of which the Chief of the Defeats we have met 
with ought in a great measure to be Attributed — the Enemy know- 
ing the Defenseless State of our Riflemen rush on — they fly mix 
with or pass thro' the Other Troops and Communicate fears that 
is ever Incident to a retiring Corps — this Would not be the Case 
if the Riflemen had bayonets — but it would be still better if good 
muskets and bayonets were put into the hands of good Marksmen 
and Rifles entirely laid aside — for my own part I never Wish to 
see one — at least Without a Bayonet — I don't give this as Mere 
matter of Opinion or Speculation — but as matter of fact to the truth 
of Which I have more than Once been an Unhappy Witness — I 


am so fully Convinced of the bad policy of such arms that no 
reasoning will ever Eradicate that Conviction. 

I must therefore Request you to lay the Matter before your 
Hon'ble board and procure me the Order on Mr. Henry 

Interim I am Dr Sir 

Your Most Ob't Hum'l Ser't 

Anth'y Wayne 

Mr. Peters^ Secretary of War, to General Wayne. 

War Office Feby i8tli 1778 
D'r Sir, — I received your Letter on the Subject of exchanging 
the Rifles for Muskets & procuring a Number of Bayonets for your 
Division — I communicated the Contents of it to the Board who 
are well convinced of the Propriety of the Measure & of the Justice 
of your Observations. But as in a former Instance they have been 
accused of Partiality by supplying your Division with Shoes out of 
the Common Line, they would wish to avoid such Imputations in 
future — If you will procure an Order from the General or Adju- 
tant General so as to make the thing a general & not a partial Regu- 
lation the Board will with Cheerfulness comply with your Request — 
A Board of Ordnance for the Regulation of the Department in the 
Field, consisting of the Commanding Officer of the Artillery, the 
Chief Engineer & eldest Colonel or Commissary of Artillery, is 
appointed & they will be furnished with Money to answer all im- 
mediate Exigencies in Camp & it is hoped as they are more 
immediately cognisant of the Wants of the Army there will be 
less Complaints of their being neglected because at a Distance 
from the Seat of public Business — 

I am your obed Ser't 

Richard Peters. 

Colonel Wayne to Colonel Bayard. 

Mount Joy 28th March 1778 
Sir, — You are to proceed Immediately to Lancaster and call on 
Wm Henry Esq'r there for the Arms &cs mentioned in the two 
Brigade Returns. 

You will also forward to Camp all such Clothing as may be pro- 
vided for the Use of the Officers and Soldiers of the Penns'a Line. 


I need not urge the Immediate necessity of these Articles — your 
Own Observations and knowledge of our Distressed Situation will 
be a Sufficient Inducement for you to exert every power in Dis- 
patching this Essential duty. 

You will urge the Immediate furnishing of us with two pair Linen 
Overalls, two Shirts, two pair Shoes — One pair Gaiters, one pair 
knee Garters, one black Stock & hair Comb for each man — Say tJvee 
Thousand men — together with Infantry Caps and Other Clothing 
but the Overalls Shirts & Gaiters are the most Essential and imme- 
diately Wanted — 

As soon as you can Effect this Business you will Return to Camp 
taking care to forward all such Recruits belonging to the Penns'a 
Line as may be in Lancaster first providing them with their proper 
Uniform Arms & Accoutrements 

Interim I am Sir 

Your most Ob't 

Hum'l Ser't 
Ant'y Wayne B. G. 

N.B. Shoes we are tolerably off for — but a Store will not be amiss. 
If you can be furnished with Linen thread & necessarys, we will 
have the Overalls made up in Camp — 

[Col. Stephen Bayard.] 

General Wayne to President Wharton of Pennsylvania. 

Mount Joy 4th May 1778 
Dear Sir, — Enclosed is the Return of the 13 Regiments be- 
longing to the State of Penns'a — you will Observe that they are 
very weak — the chief part of those Returned Sick at present — is 
for want of Clothing — being too naked to Appear on the parade — 
our Officers in Particular are in a most wretched Condition — I can't 
conceive the Reason why they are not supplied — I purchased Cloth 
&c at York last Jan'y Sufficient to Clothe great part of them — but 
have not heard what has been done with it I know it must be Distress- 
ing to your Excellency to hear so many Repetitions of our wants — but 
whatever pain it may give you — I hourly experience much more from 
the Complaints and View of Worthy fellows who are Conscious of 
meriting some Attention and whose wretched Condition can not 


be worse — they think any change must be for the better & too many 
have Risked Desertion — the Enclosed Order has lately put some 
stop to it — and had we Clothing I am Confident that we should not 
have any more leave us where we now have twenty. 

Adieu & believe me yours Most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[Gov'r Wharton.] 

Colonel Bayard to General Wayne. 

Lancaster April 23d '78 
Dear General, — I wrote you a iew days ago, but have not had 
the honor of an Answer — Mr. Mease came home yesterday, and 
Consented at last to let me have Linen for Twelve hundred Shirts, 
provided it could be made up here. Mr Howell, Major Werts and 
myself engaged it should and for that purpose have been in and 
thro' every Family in this Town in Order to get them made up, and 
I have the satisfaction to inform you that they are to be ready in 
Eight days from this — As the Expenses of staying here are great, 
I would gladly know whether I must remain, and bring them with 
me or Come Immediately to Camp. It gives me pain to relate to 
you the difficulty of getting Any thing from Mease. Waiting his 
slow Motion, dancing attendance &c are unsufferable, had I full 
powers it should be otherwise, but he Prides himself upon his being 
Confined to no particular State — The Guns and Bayonets are to be 
ready against the time mentioned above — I have fitted up several 
soldiers for Our Division — The Drummers & Fifers you have re- 
ceived before this time — I am heartily tired of Lancaster wou'd 
much rather be at Camp, a few lines from you on that head would 
greatly oblige 

Your Most Ob't Humb Ser't 

S. Bayard. 
General Ant'y Wayne, 


General Wayne to the Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly. 

Mount Joy Camp 13th May 1778 
Dear Sir, — I transmitted a Return of the State & Numbers of 
the Several Regiments in the Penn'sa Line to his Excellency the 


President — in order to lay before the Honorable House at their 
present sessions — You will find that by Death Sickness Desertion 
&c &c we are much reduced — and that it will Require great exer- 
tions to Complete the Regiments to the new arrangements — altho' 
far short of the former Establishment — 

The Recruiting business goes on very slowly owing to the enor- 
mous price given to Labourers i-e- two Dollars per Diem which, 
together with the Wages Offered by the Q M General to Waggoners 
& the Substitute money given to Militia (under Colour of being 
Servants) will in a great Degree if not totally prevent us from Com- 
pleting our Corps by any means short of a Draft — but how this 
will go down with your Constituants is a Matter that may Require 
some serious Consideration — perhaps fixing a Certain Quota for 
each Battalion to furnish by a Certain day may be liable to the 
Least Exception — however you will be the most Competent Judges 
of the proper Ways & Means — I can Only say that your Conse- 
quence as a State in a great Degree Depends on your making a 
Respectable Appearance in the field — more Especially as the Enemy 
are in possession of your Capital — in which case any supineness 
gives ground for Censure which if I am Rightly Instructed Some 
States are very Liberal in bestowing — Calling us a Dead weight 
on their hands — with Other Language not quite so Respectful as 
this State at one day had a Right to Expect — and which I know she 
has power to Command when properly exerted. 

Your Troops are Second to none in the field — They have 
stepped the first for Glory — for God's Sake by some means Com- 
plete your Regiments — give us Clothing and let us be Embodied 
together — and I pledge my life & Reputation to produce a Convic- 
tion to the World that we have a just Claim to — and will hold the 
first Rank in the free & Independent States of America — 

I wish you to call on His Excellence President Wharton for the 
Return & Letter Accompanying it — that you may be the better 
Enabled to Estimate the Numbers & Necessaries Wanting — 
Interim I am with Every Esteem 

your Most Ob't 

Anth'y Wayne. 


Recruiting Officers to General Wayne. 

Allen Town, March 30th 1778 
Dear General, — Northampton County being the place appointed 
to Recruit in Does not turn out according to Expectation it Being 
so full of Tories, We have got but 15 Recruits Between us if you 
would be kind Enough to send an officer for these Recruits or Call 
us home or Give us orders to go to Some other place to Recruit in — 
We were ordered to this County by the Council, Therefore we 
would be Glad to know how to Proceed at present and being ordered 
by the Council not to send Recruits to Camp without a proper 
Officer as they are troublesome to us here 

Dear S'r We Remain your humble 


William Oldham Cap't 
Charles McHenry Cap't 

Colonel Bayard to General Wayne. 

Lancaster April nth '78 
Dear General, — your favour I received and soon after waited 
on the Governor & Counsil and represented the Distress'd situation 
of the Officers and Soldiers of the Penn'a Line, the Governor 
Assured me that he would Interest himself in the matter, and do all 
in his power to have them well Clothed, for that purpose I was de- 
sired to wait on Mr. Mease (who was unfortunately out of Town 
and had been 5 days) with a message from them, but as he is not 
yet return'd, nothing Could be done, the Governor told me, not 
five minutes ago, that he was expected in every hour and as soon 
as he Came the Counsil would make a demand of Clothing &c 
which he must Comply with, or trouble wou'd ensue, that they 
were determined the Penn-Line should not suffer as they had done — 
Captain Lang will undertake to supply all the Officers this summer 
with under Dress (Jackets & Breeches) he having your Order for 
that purpose, he purchased the other day a pretty large quantity of 
Coarse and fine Linen, which is making up for the officers and men, 
but are handed Out, almost as fast as they are made to officers that 
pass and repass here — The Drummers and Fifers are not yet all 
Clothed, but most of them are, I shall send them on Monday next 


to Camp, sooner they could not be sent — Mr Henry will have the 
Guns and Bayonets and some newly Constructed Cartouch Boxes 
ready next week. Spontoons are about but will not be ready so 

The Necessary Acco't for yourself Mr. Howell unfortunately lost, 
he will be obliged to you for another, In the mean time he'll en- 
deavour to procure white Cloth Trimmings &c and have them ready 
for you 

Recruits Come in but slowly, those that do are fitted for Camp — 
I mean to return to Camp next week if you have no objections, 
bringing with me all the Clothing &c I can possibly procure — 

Whose business is it to look over Captain Langs representation to 
the Assembly ? 

I am with real Esteem 

your very hble serv't 

S. Bayard 

General Wayne to R. Peters, Secretary of War. 

Mount Joy 12th April 1778 

My Dear Sir, — What are Congress doing — why is the Establish- 
ment of the Army put off to this late season ? — why have not the 
Respective states their Quota of men in the field ? — why this torpor 
— why this supineness ? — when the season for Action has Arrived ? — 
when the whole power of Britain is exerting itself to pour in Troops 
in Order to Effect a total Conquest — now is the time to strike before 
that force arrives — is it Possible that America means to submit — or 
does she expect that her Militia will be able to Crush the Enemy ? — 
has the easy Conquest of Burgoyne lulled Congress into a state of 
security? — if it has, farewell to American Liberty — as Militia will 
never defend it — let me Assure you that the Yeomanry of the Neigh- 
bouring states in our Interest would find work Enough to keep those 
of a Contrary Opinion in awe — Jersey, Maryland, & Penns'a could 
not Effect it without Assistance from the Other states — I don't 
mention this from Report, but from my Own Observation — during 
my March through them this Winter 

In Order therefore to Overawe this faction and to Crush Mr. 
Howe before he's Reinforced — force in twenty or thirty thousand 
men and leave nothing to Chance — 


At present the Enemy far outnumber us — and unless speedy sup- 
plies arrive — We shall not long retain this Ground — and where we 
shall make the next stand I will not undertake to say — for my own 
part I have but a single Life to lose and I shall not think that worth 
saving at the Expense of my Liberty or the Liberty of my Country 
— I am almost out of patience with this bad World. 

Adieu yours most 


Ant'y Wayne. 
Richard Peters, Esqr 
York Town — 

General Wayne to President Wharton of Pemtsylvania. 

Mount Joy 27th March 1778 

Dear Sir, — It's at last Concluded to throw the Penns'a Troops 
into one Division after Reducing them to ten Regiments — which I 
believe will be as many as we can fill — I have but little hopes of 
being Supplied with many recruits — unless the Officers in the Back 
Counties meet with more Success, than those in Phil'aand Chester — 
an Officer from the Latter came in yesterday after being out five 
weeks without a single Recruit — I would beg leave to Suggest the 
Expediency of Employing a greater Number of Officers in that 
business in Berks Lancaster, York & Cumberland Counties — as 
the most likely places to meet with Success — I fear all our exer- 
tions in this way will fall far short of our wishes — and that Nothing 
but a Draft will be Adequate to the business. 

It's rumored that the Enemy have Evacuated Rhode Island — & 
are drawing all their force to one focus — if this should be the 
case — as we have Ground to think it is — they will be too powerful 
for us in the field — unless great and Speedy Supplies are thrown in — 
it therefore becomes the Interest and Duty of this State to make an 
Immediate and Effectual exertion to Complete her Quota of men — 
but whilst this is doing — let me Intreat you Sir Not to neglect pro- 
viding the Linen Overalls and Other Clothing to enable us to take 
the field with some Eclat — which will add both Spirit and health to 
your Troops — for you may Rest Assured that nine out of ten of the 


Deaths and Desertions in this Army are owing to Dirt and Naked- 
ness — 

I have the happiness to Inform your Excellency that the Troops of 
this State Enjoy a much greater share of Health than any Other part 
of the Army — and I pledge my Reputation to keep them so on Con- 
dition that I can be provided with Linen and Other Clothing. 

It's to you Sir that we look up to for these Matters — and in this 
case we Consider you as our Common father — 
Adieu my Dear Sir and believe 

me yours Most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne — 
[His Excellency Gov'r 
Tho's Wharton.] 

President WJiarton to General Wayne. 

In Council. 

Lancaster April 2nd 1778 

Sir, — I am favoured with yours of the twenty seventh of March the 
contents of which I communicated to Council. They are of opinion 
with you that a greater number of ofiicers should be employed on 
the recruiting Service and these, such as can be depended upon not 
only for their sobriety, but industry and expertness in that neces- 
sary business; — and I am fully of opinion that there should con- 
stantly remain in each County, officers — properly qualified to recruit, 
in order that the battalions should be kept complete, as well as to 
apprehend deserters. — 

I am a good deal astonished to find that an officer could be five 
weeks in Chester County, and not have it in his power to recruit 
one man : — I doubt he has not been very attentive to that part of 
his duty. — The accounts that Council receives from most of the 
counties are upon the whole favourable ; — and I am in hopes several 
hundred men will in the course of a few weeks join the army, if 
they do not, I know of no other plan to supply our quota of troops 
for our common defence. — If money is an inducement for men to 
enlist in our regiments, this State has given generously, and the 
officers I think have sufficient encouragement to do their duty. — 

It affords me great pleasure to hear that the troops of this State 
are at least as healthy, as those of any other, — and that their repu- 


tation is equal to any, is well known. — That you will continue your 
exertions to keep them so — I have no doubt — and it gives me no 
small pain to find that those brave men are not provided with such 
necessaries as they have a right to expect which would encourage 
them to persevere in doing their duty. — Council are doing all they 
can to provide clothing for them, but I fear their good intentions 
will not be crowned with the success they wish. 

Mr. Howell is indefatigable in getting the clothing made up — 
the wani of buttons delayed them a little, but they are now going on — 
I am Sir 

your Very humble Servant 

Tho Wharton Ju'r Prest. 
On Publick Service. 

It is not to be wondered at that, amidst embarrass- 
ments and disappointments such as these, even the 
hopeful spirit of Wayne was indined at times to give 
way to despair. " I hoped," he says, in a semi-official 
letter to his friend Mr. Peters, the Secretary of the 
Board of War, " to be able to clothe the division un- 
der my command, but the distresses of the other part 
of the troops belonging to this State were such as 
to beggar all description. Humanity obliged me to 
divide what would have in part clothed six hundred 
men among thirteen regiments, which was also neces- 
sary in order to prevent mutiny. ... I am not fond 
of danger, but I would most cheerfully agree to enter 
into action once every week in place of visiting each 
hut of my encampment (which is my constant prac- 
tice), and where objects strike my eye and ear whose 
wretched condition beggars all description. The whole 
army is sick and crawling with vermin." The only 
answer he can get from Mr. Peters, as late as the 15th 
of May, is this : " Vast quantities of clothing have been 


ordered, and I cannot tell why they have not been 

In addition to all these troubles in supplying the 
physical wants of the soldiers, a new cause of embar- 
rassment arose from the legislation of Congress in 
regard to the pay of the officers. He writes to his 
old friend and family connection Sharp Delany on the 
2 1st of May, "The difficulty I experience in keeping 
good officers from resigning, and causing them to do 
their duty in the line, has almost determined me to 
give it up, and return to my Sabine fields, but I first 
wish" (he adds, with uncontrollable patriotic impulse) 
" to see the enemy sail for the West Indies ! . . . We 
have received the vote of Congress for seven years' 
half pay at the termination of the war. . . . For my 
own part I have a competency, and neither look nor 
wish for any gratuity, other than liberty and honor ; but 
the discontented say that seven years' half pay would 
not near make up for the depreciation of the money." 

This depreciation of the money, as is well known, was 
a source of endless trouble with the soldiers during 
the war, as will more fully appear hereafter. It is 
very true, as has often been said, that there were some 
reasons outside of maladministration for the constantly 
recurring deficiencies in the army service at Valley 
Forge, especially in the matter of food-supplies. These 
were not in any great measure due to the disaffection 
of the people, as has sometimes been said, but were 
owinor to the absolute exhaustion of the resources of 
the country surrounding the camp caused by the ex- 
actions of both armies. Besides, it is to be remem- 
bered that, while the territory along the coast, with the 


exception of New York, was open to our trade with all 
the world, and that this trade was largely carried on 
with satisfactory results during the war, notwithstanding 
the danger of the capture of the vessels, Philadelphia 
was entirely cut off from all communication with the 
outside world, and that land transportation upon any 
considerable scale did not then exist. After all, how- 
ever, the grand motor in all warlike operations — real 
money — was not to be had, and this was the true source 
of the difficulty. 

While the army was encamped at Valley Forge, a 
successful effort was made to improve its knowledge of 
military movements and to make its discipline more 
efficient. The principal agent in this most important 
work was the Baron von Steuben, who had formerly 
held high rank in the Prussian service, who had been 
appointed Inspector-General by Washington, and who 
was perfectly familiar with those details of military 
organization which had rendered the army of Frederick 
the Great the most successful of all European armies. 
Steuben had so great a love for the American cause 
that, although a general in the Prussian service, he did 
not hesitate to become a drill-sergeant at Valley Forge. 
He began with the manual of arms, instructed the 
soldiers, in squads at first, in tactical movements, and 
within a month made the officers and men familiar with 
army manoeuvres on a larger scale. He was active, 
minute, and exacting in his instructions, unwearied in 
his efforts to teach the men the simpler elements of 
the drill and how to act most efficiently together, and 
it cannot be doubted that the ease with which the army 

manoeuvred at Monmouth in the face of the enemy was 



in large measure due to his persistent instructions. He 
began his work on the 24th of March, and, considering 
all the difficulties which he overcame, not the least of 
which was his total ignorance of the English language, 
his success was wonderful. It has even been said that 
he taught the Americans how to use the bayonet; but 
any one who reads Wayne's account of the battle of 
Germantown will be inclined to doubt the validity of 
this claim. 

During the winter food became scarce at Valley 
Forge. There was neither proper clothing for the men, 
nor money for the payment of their wages. The forays 
in the neighborhood of the city, although under the 
charge of Major Henry Lee, a most active and enter- 
prising officer, did not provide sufficient food for the 
camp. Towards the middle of February, therefore, 
Wayne was sent with a considerable force to New 
Jersey, and the arduous duty of procuring what cattle 
he could find in the region between Bordentown and 
Salem for the use of the army, and of destroying what 
he could not carry off, was imposed upon him. He 
entered upon this work with his usual zeal and activity, 
and in its performance acquired from his enemies the 
curious sobriquet of " Drover Wayne." Many were 
the skirmishes which took place in the sands and among 
the pines of Jersey during the cheerless winter of 
1778. Both parties found it difficult to discover the 
cattle they were in search of, for, although the country 
abounded with them, they were for the most part care- 
fully concealed by their owners in the woods. 

The following letter gives some account of his for- 
aging in New Jersey : 


General Wayne to General Washhigto^i. 

Haddonfield 4th March 1778 

Sir, — Soon after I wrote your Excellency from Mount Holly — I 
rec'd Intelligence that the Enemy had Detached themselves in small 
parties and were Collecting Cattle forage &c in the Vicinity of 
Haddonfield, Coopers, and Timber Creeks. This Intelligence In- 
duced me (altho' my Numbers were few) to make a forced March 
and Endeavor to drive in or cut off some of their parties — At nine 
o'clock at night I arrived at one Capt. Matlacks about four Miles to 
the South East of this place where I was soon after joined by Gen'l 
Pulaski with about fifty Light Horse — Col Ellis with two Hundred 
& fifty Militia, being the Whole of his Command, took post at Eves- 
ham Meeting at the junction of the Roads leading to Egg- Harbor 
and Mount Holly — At Ten O'clock Genl. Pulaski attempted to 
surprise the Enemy's advanced post at a Mill a half a Mile Out 
of Haddonfield — he failed in the attempt — but Col Stirling who 
Commanded the Enemy having in the fore part of the Evening 
Rec'd Intelligence of our March, — and our Numbers being Ex- 
aggerated to thousands — moving in three Columns — the one to his 
Right an Other to his left and the third in front — the North 
Briton thought it prudent to Retreat under Cover of the Shipping, 
he accordingly Decamped at Eleven at night and Arrived at Cooper 
ferry before day — Destroying some Spirits and leaving Waggons 
Horses Cattle &c behind which he had stolen from the Inhabitants 
who have since Claimed and Rec'd their property — 

The Troops being much fatigued — I could not follow before late 
next Morning — I advanced with Gen'l Pulaski to Reconnoitre 
their pjosition — and on coming near the ferry found that they were 
there in full force, the Wind being too high to admit the Boats to 
pass — however they were too well posted to do any thing with them 
— being covered and flanked by their shipping — About the Mid- 
dle of the Afternoon the Wind lulled when they threw over about 
36 head o^ poor Cattle the whole they had been able to save from 
the Numbers they had Stolen. 

On Observing that they were about Retreating over the River — 
& Gen'l Pulaski anxious to Charge — I ordered up Capt. Doyle 
with his Company consisting of Fifty men — who lay three miles in 
advance of the Rest, directing the Other part of the Detachment 


to follow as fast as possible, About the same time I Rec'd Intel- 
ligence of a fresh body of Troops having crossed from Philad'a 
who were Marching up Cooper's Creek and seemed pushing for our 
Rear — Col. Ellis being posted with his Militia on that Route I 
ordered him to Advance and Receive them — 

About this time Capt. Doyle Arrived — near the Enemy's Cover- 
ing party — whose numbers appeared to be about three times as many 
as ours when joined by the Horse — but as they were approachable 
on each flank & the Center being favourable for the Cavalry 
Gen'l Pulaski & Myself were determined to attack them — In 
Order to gain time for the main body to come up, as well as to 
Amuse and prevent that party of the Enemy from proceeding further 
up Cooper's Creek — We soon Obliged the Covering party to give 
way — when Mr. Stirling advanced in full force to support them — 
this answered my expectations and wishing to lead them from under 
Cover of their shipping — I Ordered the Infantry to keep up a Con- 
stant fire falling back by slow degrees until they should be joined 
by Col Butlers Detachment — About the same time the Hessian 
Grenadiers attempted to force over Cooper's bridge in face of about 
I GO Militia under Col Ellis — but they soon gave up that idea — find- 
ing it Impracticable. 

The fire of the Enemy from their field pieces shipping and 
Musketry became General — however they could not be drawn out — 
but night coming on, and Col Butler not being able to get up until 
too late to see — the Enemy Effected their Retreat to Phila — before 
Nine at Night but not without some loss attended with Circum- 
stances of Disgrace. Genl. Pulaski behaved with his usual bravery 
on the Occasion having his own with four Other Horses Wounded — 
The fifty Infantry being the only part that had an Opportunity of 
Engaging — behaved with a Degree of bravery that would have done 
Honor to the Oldest Veterans — Mr Abercriinibie who Commanded 
the Detachment that went to Salem — hearing that the Militia were 
Collecting in great Numbers — and that we were advancing from 
Mount Holly — also took the Horrors and Embarking on board His 
boats &c got safe to Phila — three Evenings ago leaving all his 
Collection of Cattle &c &c behind. — Thus ended the Jersey Ex- 
pedition which has not been attended with that Advantage that 
those North Brittons expected of their first Arrival — 


I shall begin my March for Camp tomorrow Morning it was not 
in my power to move until I could procure shoes for the Troops 
almost barefoot — 

I rec'd your Excellencie's Letter of the 28th and Col Biddle's of 
the 25th and shall as far as is in my power Comply with the Con- 
tents — 

When I have the pleasure of seeing your Excellency I shall com- 
municate such Ideas as have occurred to me with respect to the 
Importance of this part of this State and the most probable mode 
of Covering it from the Depradations of the Enemy — who will be 
able to draw Great Supplies from it if left uncovered 
Interim I am your Excellency's Most 

Ob't & Very Hum Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[Gen'l Washington.] 

One of the subjects which naturally preoccupied the 
mind of the commander-in-chief during the winter 
was the next move of the army. Many advocated an 
active campaign, but it seems hard for us to under- 
stand, now that we know so fully the crippled condition 
of the army, how such a plan could have been seriously 
entertained. General Reed, although opposed to such 
a campaign, urged the commander-in-chief, as early as 
December, to make a sudden move, secret as to its 
destination, in the hope of gaining possession of New 
York, then the great storehouse of those supplies of 
the enemy of which our army was so much in need. 
Although the plan was not favorably considered at the 
time, it was laid before a council of general officers 
in April, and it would appear from General Wayne's 
letters of the 21st of that month that he approved 
its general features. It was relinquished, although, be- 
sides Wayne, Generals Greene, Knox, Poor, Varnum, 
Muhlenberg, and Lord Stirhng favored its adoption. 


General Wayne to General Washington. 

Mount Joy 21st April 1778 
Sir, — I took the Liberty to suggest to your Excellency (some time 
since) the Idea of making an Offensive Campaign against such 
places as afford the Greatest prospect of Success to us & Injury 
to the enemy — but the Object will Depend upon your force — the 
first and most Desirable would be Sir Wm Howe, — the next New 

The Question then will arise how is the Army to be Supplied and 
the stores secured — The Answer is — that the Magazines of Provisions 
& forage are to be Diffused in small Quantities through each State so 
as not to leave in any one place sufficient to induce the Enemy to 
make an expedition against us— the Military stores should be secured 
at Sunbury in a position Difficult of access — and Defended by a 
Garrison that would Oblige the Enemy to make use of a Consider- 
able force with Artillery — and situated in the Heart of a Well 
Effected Country, One Hundred and Thirty Miles N. VV. of Phil'a. 
— were they to March to such a place Phi la, and New York would 
be left in our power — by Dividing their Army they would give us 
an Opening for making a Capital Stroke — On the Contrary if We 
still Continue on the Defensive it will be in their power to Harass 
us at pleasure — and lead us a March that will Debilitate and Destroy 
your Army more than a severe Engagement — the time and place 
of Action will lay with them which probably will not be the most 
favourable to us — 

Many Reasons (in my humble opinion) both political and pru- 
dential point to the Expediency of putting the Enemy on the De- 
fensive — their plan of Operation (perhaps) already formed in Eng- 
land, will by this means be Disconcerted — it will Oblige them to 
Evacuate New York or Phil'a, the one or the Other with its Garri- 
son must Inevitably fall into your hands : 

In either case the fruits of two hard Campaigns at the Expense of 
much blood and treasure, would be lost to Britain and their Glory 
vanished — whilst the Arms of America would become Respectable 
at home to both friends & Enemies and shine with Double Lustre, 
in the Courts of Europe — 

Should you move for the North River the Militia of New York and 
the Eastern States will draw to your Camp — and from their being 


so lately flushed with Conquest they will hope to have the same 
good fortune — So that if Mr. Howe should attempt to succour Clin- 
ton — it will in all probability be productive of the Most Happy and 
Glorious Consequences — for a Conquering Army finds no Difficulties 
— It would be presumption in me to take up your Excellency's 
time on a Subject which I am Confident has not Escaped your 
serious thought — I shall therefore only Assure you that whatever 
part may be assigned to me I shall always and at all times, be ready 
to serve you with the best Service of your Excellency's 

Most Ob' t 
and very 

Humb Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[Gen'l Washington.] 



Early in June it became apparent that the British 
were preparing to evacuate Philadelphia, as it was feared 
by them that a French fleet would soon, in pursuance 
of our treaty of alliance with France of February, 1778, 
blockade the English fleet in the Delaware. Sir Henry 
Clinton, the successor of Sir William Howe as com- 
mander-in-chief, arrived in Philadelphia on the 8th of 
June, and found preparations for the evacuation far 
advanced. Washington, as usual, asked the opinion 
of his generals as to the course to be taken. Wayne, 
among others, made a reply, which we annex. 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Mount Joy i8th June 1778 
Sir, — I have IMaturely Considered the Matters which your Ex- 
cellency was pleased to lay before the Council of General Officers 
last evening — and am Clearly of Opinion that any attempt on the 
City of Philad'a with your present force when defended by the 
numbers of Troops that may be brought to act against you — will 
be Ineligible — But it is my wish & Opinion that you cause the 
sick in Camp and its vicinity to be Immediately Removed further 
into the Country — & that the whole of the Army be put in Motion 
the soonest possible for some of the ferries on the Delaware above 
Trent Town — so as to be Ready to act as soon as the Enemy's 
movem't shall be ascertained — If the North River should be found 
to be their Object — I am for passing the Delaware Immediately, 


Divesting the Army of every Article of Incumbrance — and then 
with the aid of the Jersey Militia take the first favorable Oppor- 
tunity to make a Vigorous and serious attack upon the Enemy — 
but in Order to Complete your Victory or facilitate your Retreat (if 
the latter should be found necessary) I would wish that Gen'l Max- 
well with his Brigade and a Body of the Militia might gain their 
Rear where his Action will be governed by your Motions — i.e. when 
the Attack is made by you — it shall be a signal for his onset which 
ought to be Rather a feint than Otherwise. Should your attack suc- 
ceed it may be productive of the most happy Consequences — but 
should it prove unsuccessful the Enemy dare not nor can not pur- 
sue any great Distance, Otherwise their Baggage & provisions will 
be Endangered — surrounded as they will be by troops who know 
how to rally in case of a Misfortune and to Recoil upon their pur- 

I am the more anxious to take this Opportunity of striking them 
(in case they should take this route) — as I am Confident that the 
minds of the Soldiers of either Army will be much Influenc'd by 
our Movements — On the Enemy's part it will have the Appear- 
ance of a Retreat — on ours, that of Pursuit — We may Inculcate 
the Idea of Besieging Clinton — he will Apprehend it — and you will 
more than probably effect it — 

Interim I am your Excellency's &c 

Anthony Wayne. 

It would appear from the following letter that the 
army was not very well prepared for the campaign 
upon which it was about to enter: 

General Wayne to R. Peters, Secretary of War. 

Mount Joy 13th May 1778 
Dear Sir, — Want of time — want of temper — want of Oppor- 
tunity — want of everything but Inclination has prevented me from 
writing to you for some weeks — You will now give me leave to 
Congratulate you on the Establishment of the Independance of the 
United States of America — The Declaration of the French Em- 
basador to the Court of Britain must Inevitably produce a War 


between those powers — which never could have been better timed 
— I thank my God that the Attention of Great Britain is likely to 
be Diverted from America — Otherwise I should dread the Conse- 
quence — for altho' our Troops are daily Improving in Military Dis- 
cipline by very swift Degrees — yet we are much weaker & worse 
Clothed than at the Close of the last Campaign — I hoped to be able 
to Clothe the Division under my Command but the Distresses of 
the Other part of the troops belonging to this State were such as to 
beggar all Discription — Humanity Obliged me to Divide what 
would have in part Clothed six Hundred men among thirteen Regi- 
ments which also being necessary in Order to prevent mutiny and to 
put a stop to that Spirit of Desertion — which has taken but too deep 
a Root — and is not yet subsided — our Officers too are hourly Offering 
in their Resignations — especially those who have yet some property 
left — When or where it will end God knows — the pain I feel on the 
Occasion is better felt than expressed — I am heartily tired of this 
way of life — being the only General Officer belonging to the State 
the whole line Apply to me on every Occasion — their real wants are 
too many and too pressing to pass unheeded by — but yet I cant 
Alleviate nor supply them. 

I know it must be very Disagreeable to hear so many Repititions 
of this Nature — but people are very apt to dwell on those subjects 
that lie nearest their hearts, or that give them most Concern — I am 
not fond of Danger — but I would most Cheerfully agree to enter 
into Action once every week in place of Visiting each part of my 
Encampment (which is my Constant practice) and where Objects 
strike my eye & ear — whose wretched Condition beggars all Descrip- 
tion — the Ball or Bayonet could only pierce the Body — but such 
Objects affect the mind and give the keenest wound to every feeling 
of Humanity — for God's sake give us — if you can't give us anything 
else — give us linen that we may be Enabled to Rescue the poor 
Worthy fellows from the Vermin which are now Devouring them 
and which has Emaciated & Reduced numbers exactly to answer the 
Description of Shakespears Apothecary — Some hundreds we thought 
prudent to Deposit some six foot under Ground — who have Died 
of a Disorder produced by a want of Clothing — The whole Army 
at present are sick of the same Disorder, but the Penns'a line seem 
to be the most Infected — a pointed & speedy exertion of Congress 


or appointing an Other Doc'r may yet remove the Disorder — which 
once done I pledge my Reputation we shall remove the Enemy — for 
I would much Rather Risque ray life Honor and the fate of Amer- 
ica on our present force neatly and Comfortably Uniformed than on 
Double their number Covered with Rags & Crawling with Vermin — 
but I am determined not to say an Other word on the subject 

I wrote a few lines to my Daughter some time since — she has not 
been so kind as to acknowledge it — how is the young soldier — will 
he be fit to take the field before the Expiration of the present War — 
for I think it bids fair to be a long one — if we may Draw any Con- 
clusion from the Kings speech and the Answers of the two Houses 
of Parliament — who promise to Assist him with their lives and for- 
tunes in any measure he may take to humble the pride & Chastise 
the perfidy of France — and to bring these States to a proper sense 
of their duty — Bravo. 

Adieu and believe me yours most 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[Ric'd Peters, Esq., 

of the Board of War.] 

The following is an interesting sketch of the attempt 
to capture La Fayette at Barren Hill. It will be ob- 
served that it makes the singular statement that friendly 
Indians were employed in our army at Valley Forge. 

General Wayne to Sharp Delany. 

Mount Joy 21st May 1778 
Dear Sir, — Various are the Reports — & many are the Conjectures 
about the Enemy's quitting Phila — and the Quarter they are Des- 
tined for — some say New York, Others Halifax but the more pre- 
vailing Opinion is the West India Islands — for my own part (but all 
Accounts agree that they Intend to), I am not quite so sanguine as 
some Others about their Evacuating their present post without first 
Offering us Battle — We were so fully Confident of their being 
about to Embark last Monday — that a Detatchment of between 2000 
and 2500 men under the Marquis De Lafayette was sent down 


towards their lines to be ready to take Possession of the City as 
soon as they should Quit it — but the Caitiffs made a forced March 
the night before last and had thrown themselves into his Rear — and 
were near on the point of surrounding him before he had any In- 
telligence of their Movements — However he made a happy Escape 
by passing the Schuylkill at Matsons ford and possessing the Gulf 
Hills — The Enemy's Advance Guards made their Appearance 
on the One Side Just as the Rear of ours Arrived on the Other — 
their force by every Acct. was about 7000, and they had Actually 
thrown themselves in between the Marquis and our Camp — expect- 
ing to fall upon him as he was attempting to gain the Bridge or 
Swedes ford — but by moving lower down and Crossing at Matson's, 
he avoided Inevitable Destruction — The Enemy must have made 
a March of at least 20 Miles with all that Body of men totally un- 
discovered thro' the Inattention of the Patroles — They Returned to 
Phila last evening without either Killing or taking a single man of 
ours — but several Deserters and prisoners are hourly Arriving in 
Camp taken by our light troops & Oneida friends the Indians (hang- 
ing on their Rear) who at the first fire Killed five of the Enemies 
horse and by the War Whoop put the Remainder to flight. 

I have already hinted that it's my Opinion Air Clinton will offer 
us battle — ie that after shipping all their Baggage stores and heavy 
Artillery — they will make a forward move in force — but they will 
never Attack us on this Ground — they will either Retire After a 
vain parade Otherwise by taking post in our Rear near Moor Hall 
Manoeuvre us off this Ground — however this is but Conjecture — 
they may possibly leave this State without this parade — That a 
capital movement will take place in a few days I am very Confi- 
dent, but time alone will Determine the Object — 

We have Rec'd the Vote of Congress for 7 years half pay at the 
termination of the War — I am sorry to say that it falls far short of 
giving satisfaction — The Spirit of Resignation seems to rage rather 
more than ever and is hourly taking place — for my own part I 
have a Competency and neither look nor wish for any Gratuity, 
other than Liberty and Honor — but the Discontented say that 7 
years half pay would not near make up for the Depreciation of the 
Money & the high price of every Article for this last year being on 
an Average at least five to one — which would Require ten years half 


pay to do even justice to them for the Deficiency of the last — How 
just this mode of Reasoning may be I shall not Attempt to say nor 
do I mean to Advocate their Cause — if they merit more I doubt 
not but Congress will make the proper provision — if not they will 
be Justifiable in adhering to what they have Done 

The Difficulty I experience in keeping good Officers from Re- 
signing — and causing them to do their Duty in the Line has almost 
Determined me to give it up and Retire to my Sabine fields — but 
I first wish to see the Enemy sail for the West Indies — 
Adieu my Dear Sir & believe 

me yours most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[Col. Delany.] 

The British army, having evacuated Philadelphia, 
crossed the Delaware on the i8th of June below 
Gloucester, and took the route eastward across Jersey, 
encumbered with a bagforao-e-train which is said to have 
been nearly twelve miles long. Washington crossed 
the same river above Trenton on the 21st, and pre- 
pared to dispute the passage of the Raritan should the 
enemy attempt to cross that river with his baggage-train. 
It was found, however, that Sir Henry Clinton kept 
to the southward and was moving in the direction of 
Sandy Hook. Washington followed on a parallel route, 
and on the 26th of June the armies were but a few 
miles from each other. On the 24th of that month a 
council of war had been held at Hopewell, five miles 
from Princeton, when certain questions as to future 
movements were submitted by the commander-in-chief 
to the general officers. The result of this council, ac- 
cording to Colonel Alexander Hamilton, was worthy of 
the "honorable society of midwives, and of no other." 


Wayne and Cadwalader, and to a certain degree La 
Fayette and Greene, of all the generals who were 
consulted, advocated prompt, vigorous, and decided 
action. The latter, it is said, proposed an assault, but 
of somewhat too cautious a kind to suit the impetuous 
valor of Wayne. As to the rest, they were so pro- 
foundly impressed with the superiority of the English 
troops, due to their military skill and discipline, that 
they were unwilling to confront them with the ragged 
regiments which they commanded. The English army 
numbered nearly twelve thousand men, thoroughly 
equipped and organized, and was particularly strong 
in that formidable infantry which often, before and 
after that date, gained a world-wide renown for its skill 
and effectiveness in the use of the bayonet. The 
American army was somewhat more numerous than 
that of the enemy, but many of its officers, under the 
baleful influence of General Charles Lee, did not feel 
any confidence in its ability to repel the English forces 
in the open field. Notwithstanding, however, General 
Washington determined to take the advice of Wayne 
and reject that of the majority of the council. He 
probably thought that the danger resulting from the 
depression in the public mind which would follow 
from permitting a British army with a train twelve 
miles long to cross New Jersey unmolested should be 
avoided at all hazards, even that of losing a pitched 
battle. He determined, therefore, to attack as soon 
as practicable at least the rear-guard of that army by 
which the train was escorted. It will be observed by 
comparing the following letter of Wayne to the com- 
mander-in-chief with the plan adopted for fighting the 


battle of Monmouth, that Wayne's suggestions were in 
the main adopted : 

General Wayne to the Commander-in-Chief. 

Hopewell 24th June 1778 

Sir, — The purport of the Questions Offered by your Excellency 
this Morning to the Consideration of the Gen'l Officers were, first 
— whether it would be prudent or Advisable to Risk a General Action 
with the Enemy at Present, Considering our state, and the apparent 
state of Affairs in Europe at this time — 2nd What will be the 
most Eligible mode of Conduct in pursuing & Harassing the Enemy 
during their March through the Jerseys — 

As to the first I would not Advise Risking a Gen'l Action — unless 
Circumstances should Render success Certain, or such as not to 
leave you in a Worse situation, if Unfortunate, than if you had not 

And in answer to the Other — I am with all due Deference of 
Opinion that a select Corps of field & other officers — with 2500 
or 3000 Effective Rank & file Commanded by a Major — and two 
Brig'r Generals, or as many as may be thought Advisable, should 
Immediately be Drafted, and March to gain the Rear of the left 
flank of the Enemy when they should take the first favorable Oppor- 
tunity of Attempting an Impression in force — at the same time 
Sundry attacks ought to be made by the Militia, Maxwells Brigade, 
Morgans Corps, and Jacksons and Cadwalader's troops in order to 
Divert the Enemy's Attention — I would also wish the main body 
of your Army to be in a position on the left of their Rear so as to 
be Ready to Act effectively — but not to be Drawn into a Gen'l 
Action Contrary to your Desire. 

A Disposition of this or a Similar Nature would give Confidence 
to your Detachments — and terror to your Enemy who dare not 
pursue success, — lest they should be drawn into some Difficulty from 
which it would not be easy for them to Extricate themselves, which 
Consideration together with their Carriages and Baggage will Induce 
them to Remain Content with the Idea of having Repulsed those 
who Attacked them. 

I must beg your Excellencies Indulgence for this liberty — as I 


could not quite meet the Other General officers in sentiment so as to 
sign the General Opinion with freedom. 

Interim I am your Excellencies 

Most Obt & very Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[Gen'l Washington.] 

It was necessary that Washington should act without 
delay, as it was feared that the baggage-train of the 
enemy might soon be beyond the reach of capture. 
So, on the 27th, notwithstanding the American army 
had been almost starved during the march, and was 
exhausted by the terrific heat of the season. La Fayette 
was directed to take five thousand troops, •* picked and 
selected men," to hang on the English rear-guard, and 
as soon as it began to move the next morning to attack 
it. A considerable portion of this detachment was 
composed of Wayne's troops. Charles Lee, who had 
opposed this aggressive movement through fear of the 
vast superiority of the English troops, at first declined 
to command the detachment, but shortly afterwards, 
thinking better of this step, he claimed to lead it, and 
he was unfortunately permitted to do so. Lee's com- 
mand marched about five miles in advance of the main 
army, his orders were to attack vigorously the rear- 
guard, and he was expressly told that he would be 
supported by the rest of the army. 

Having arrived within striking distance of the rear- 
guard near Freehold, Wayne was directed by Lee the 
next morninof to take with him from his division of 
about twelve hundred men seven hundred, to lead the 
advance and attack the left rear of the English. He 
was told by General Lee that he held the post of honor, 


and it soon turned out that he held at least the post 
of imminent danger. The enemy did not wait to be 
attacked, but a party of Simcoe's rangers or dragoons 
(American Loyalists) charged upon a portion of Colonel 
Richard Buder's Pennsylvania regiment of about two 
hundred men. They were repulsed and driven back, 
but could not be followed, for want of cavalry. General 
Wayne seems to have considered this a very brilliant 
piece of work. We find the following letter from him 
to his friend Major Henry Lee, in which he speaks with 
his usual pride of the gallant deeds of officers serving 
under him: 

General Wayne to Major Henry Lee (" Light-Horse Harry''''). 

Camp Near White Plains 
New York 20th July 1778 

Dear Major, — I wished you to have come in for a share of the 
Glory of the 28th Ultimo — Col Butler wanted you much — The 
Enemy's Horse made a Charge in force upon his Reg't Consisting 
of 200 men — supported by the first Regiment of Guards — he sus- 
tained the shock broke them & pursued both horse & foot the Latter 
having been thrown into Disorder by the former Running through 
them — here was a field for you to act in — Butler had no horse 
near to Improve the Advantage — & Gen' I Lee — but soft, he is now 
in Arrest & from present Appearances will not Continue long in 
the Service — a note from him to a Mr Collins printer of the Jersey 
paper — Savours of Insanity or flows from a Worse Cause— We are 
drawing near the Enemy's Lines — their fleet is blocked up by two 
French Men of War of the Line and a Number of frigates — the Cork 
fleet with provisions for Clintons Army is yet out — the Enemy are 
already on Short Allowance — come then and Assist us to Besiege 

While Wayne's force was thus engaged with Simcoe's 

dragoons, the main English force from having been on 



the defensive now became the assailants. At first the 
force in front of Wayne was simply a covering party, 
supposed by him to have consisted of about two thou- 
sand men, but it rapidly increased in numbers. Wayne 
looked round for the reinforcements which had been 
promised him, but was surprised to find that the rest of 
Lee's command was in full retreat, leaving him to shift 
for himself, and placing him in great danger of being 
surrounded. With great difficulty he made his way 
through the swamp and the woods until he reached the 
parsonage, just in advance of the "Tennent Church," 
and on the southern side of the road leading to Free- 
hold, where he found all the troops which were to have 
supported him falling back by General Lee's order. 
There he met General Washington, amazed at the re- 
treat of the advance corps and angry beyond restraint 
with General Lee who had ordered it. The enemy, 
whose whole force had by this time faced about, were in 
full pursuit, and the commander-in-chief had, it is said, 
but a quarter of an hour to make such a disposition of 
his force as would check them. Washington's presence 
and example at once stopped the retreat. Danger 
seems to have aroused all his energies. With the true 
instinct of a great general, he rallied his troops at 
once, directing Wayne, who was near him, to form two 
trusty regiments instantly and check the assault of the 
enemy, while he would hasten to the rear and bring 
forward the main portion of the army to support him. 
The regiments which were called upon at this critical 
moment, one of the most critical in the history of the 
Revolution, to defend this most dangerous post of 
honor, were those of Colonel Walter Stewart of the 


Thirteenth Pennsylvania, Colonel William Irvine of 
the Seventh Pennsylvania, and Colonel Thomas Craig 
of the Third Pennsylvania, aided by a Maryland and 
a Virginia regiment. These held the advance post 
at this period of the battle, the well-known orchard of 
Monmouth, until the reinforcements which made up the 
second line arrived. There were hills on each side of 
this orchard, which were at once occupied by these re- 
inforcements ; that on the right was held by Greene 
with Knox's artillery, that on the left by Stirling. The 
batteries on both these hills enfiladed the English army 
on the right and the left, while the withering fire of 
Wayne's command in front rendered further advance 
well-nigh impossible. The British grenadiers with their 
left on Freehold and the guards on their right had driven 
Lee's advance to the position near the parsonage which 
Wayne now occupied. Crossing a fence which lay in 
their front, they advanced to the attack of Wayne's 
position with dauntless courage, first on the right and 
then on the left, but were repulsed in both cases with 
great loss. Finally the guards, officered by the sons of 
the noblest English families, who had for more than 
eight months given the tone to fashionable dissipation 
while Philadelphia was occupied by the British army, 
and had taught their admirers there among- the ladies 
to look with contempt upon the brave yeomen who were 
suffering the pains of nakedness and hunger at Valley 
Forge, were at last to meet foemen worthy of their 
steel. Their commanding officer. Colonel Monckton, 
the brother of Lord Galway, was fully convinced that 
the task assigned to this corps d'elite was one that 
would test to the utmost those soldierly qualities for 


which the grenadiers and guards had gained so great 
renown. The guards having been formed for a bayo- 
net-charge, their colonel made them a short speech, in 
which he urged them, by all the motives which appeal 
to a soldier's pride and his esprit de corps, to charge 
home. So near were they to the American line that it 
is said that every word of his speech was heard there, 
and probably it did as much to inspire Wayne's men 
with courage and determination as it did those to whom 
it was addressed. They then rushed on with a furious 
charge, hoping to drive their enemies back by the 
bayonet. Waiting until they approached quite closely, 
they were met with a withering fire of musketry from 
Wayne's regiments, which killed not only the colonel 
(the speech-maker), who bravely led them on, but many 
of his officers. The column was driven back in the 
utmost confusion. How complete was this repulse is 
shown by the inability of the guards to rescue from 
Wayne's men the lifeless body of their commander, 
although they made the most frantic efforts to recover 
it. The battle raged for hours after this fruitless at- 
tempt to penetrate Wayne's column, and at last the 
enemy, finding that they could make no impression upon 
the American army, and utterly exhausted by the heat 
of the day, retired in confusion and with great loss. 

The repulse of the bayonet-charge of the British 
guards and grenadiers, forming the elite of their infantry, 
and regarded by their countrymen ever since the days 
of Crecy and Agincourt as the most formidable war- 
riors in the world when armed with such a weapon, by 
a body of American yeomen, most of whom were Penn- 
sylvanians, under a Pennsylvanian general, men who 


were inferior in numbers and imperfect in discipline, 
who had just been rallied after an ignominious retreat, 
and were engaged in battle for the first time on that day, 
must be considered in the progress of the Revolution as 
a prodigious historical event. To many the orchard at 
Monmouth seemed a second Thermopylae, and Wayne 
was spoken of as a modern Leonidas. Wayne's repu- 
tation as a military leader resting on such a basis was 
recognized both by the friends and by the foes of the 
patriot cause as one of the great forces in the Revo- 
lutionary contest. There has probably never been in 
our history such a spontaneous fervor in the expression 
of grateful hearts for any man's services, until we come 
to the enthusiasm with which the crushing blows dealt 
by Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan to the armed forces 
of the rebellion were welcomed. The commander-in- 
chief in his report to Congress speaks of his deeds in 
that measured phrase always characteristic of Wash- 
ington. " I cannot forbear," he says, " mentioning Briga- 
dier-General Wayne, whose good conduct and bravery 
through the whole action deserves particular commen- 
dation." There was but one dissentient voice among 
his countrymen, and that came from his commander, 
General Lee, a good witness, at least, of the fearful 
odds against him. He says in a letter to Robert 
Morris, "The force opposed to the American Army 
was the whole flower of the British Army, Grenadiers, 
Light Infantry, Cavalry, & Artillery amounting in all to 
7000 men. By the temerity & folly and contempt of 
orders of General Wain \sic\ we found ourselves en- 
gaged in the most extensive plain in America, separated 
from our main body the distance of eight rniles," etc. 


We may be quite sure that there were few among 
the patriots who were indined to find fault with Gen- 
eral Wayne because of his " temerity & folly" at the 
battle of Monmouth. The effect on the public mind 
of that battle, although the Americans could exhibit 
no trophies of victory, was instantaneous, deep, and 

It cheered that portion of the people who are often 
patriotic in their instincts but are apt to become timid 
and desponding at the first reverses, for it helped to 
convince them that thenceforth in the struggle our 
armies, when properly led, could do great things against 
troops hitherto supposed to be superior to them in 
equipment and discipline. This hesitation in meeting 
our enemies in the open field had had, as the history of 
the Revolution clearly shows, up to this time, a control- 
ling influence in the councils of war called together by 
Washington. He was taught by the results of this 
battle that the oftener he "acted the general," as Wayne 
called it, the more likely would permanent success 
follow. Hence Wayne's example becomes a great 
teaching force in our military history, for it destroyed 
the charm of invincibility which in the eyes of many 
always attended the British soldiery. And it taught a 
still more important lesson to all in authority, invalu- 
able to a people in arms against oppression, — that of 

For our purpose it is not worth while to go into the 
controversy concerning General Lee's conduct at the 
battle of Monmouth. He was tried for disobedience 
of orders in not attacking the enemy on the 28th of 
June as he had been ordered, and for misbehavior 


before the enemy in making an unnecessary retreat. 
He was found guilty on both charges, and in defend- 
ing himself before the court and in the newspapers of 
the day he made charges against three officers, which 
brought him challenges to duels from each of them : 
one from the illustrious Von Steuben, to whose per- 
sistent training of the troops at Valley Forge during 
the winter amidst every kind of discouragement much 
of the success of Monmouth was doubtless due ; one 
from Colonel Laurens, an aide-de-camp of General 
Washington, who sought to avenge the insulting and 
outrageous abuse of which his chief had been made 
the object by General Lee ; and one from General 
Wayne, whose action in the battle, and especially his 
alleged disobedience of orders, had been very harshly 
criticised by General Lee. Only one of these proposed 
duels, however, took place, that in which Colonel Lau- 
rens was the challenger, and in which Lee was slightly 
wounded. Lee's quarrel with Wayne could not be pub- 
licly carried on while the latter was surrounded by 
the halo of glory which encompassed him after Mon- 
mouth, and especially after Stony Point, when Lee 
became the most enthusiastic admirer of his former 
adversary ; and as to Von Steuben, it has not been 
possible to discover how his wounded honor was healed, 
but there was, it is believed, no duel. 

The most graphic account of the battle of Mon- 
mouth which has been printed is contained in a letter 
from Wayne to his wife, and in one to his friend Mr. 
Peters, Secretary of the Board of War, both of which 
we give. 


General Wayne to Mrs. Wayne. 

Spottswood 1st July 1778 

Dear Polly, — On Sunday the 2Sth June our flying army came in 
view of the Enemy about Eight O' Clock in the Morning — when I 
was Ordered to Advance and Attack them with a few men — the 
Remainder of the Army under Gen'l Lee was to have supported 
me — We accordingly Advanced, and Received a Charge from the 
British horse and Infantry which we soon repulsed, however our 
Gen'l thought proper to retreat in place of Advancing — without our 
firing a single shot — The Enemy followed in force — which Ren- 
dered it very Difficult for the small force I had to gain the main body 
being Often hard pushed, and frequently surrounded — After fall- 
ing back about a mile we met His Excellency — who was surprised 
at our Retreat, knowing that Officers as well as men were in high 
Spirits and wished for Nothing more than to be faced about and 
meet the British fire. — He Accordingly Ordered me to keep post 
where he met us with Stewarts & Livingstons Regiments and a 
Virginia Reg't then under my Command with two pieces of Artil- 
lery and to keep them in play until he had an opportunity of form- 
ing the Remainder of the Army and Restoring Order — We had 
but just taken post when the Enemy began their attack with Horse 
& foot & Artillery. The fire of their whole united force soon 
Obliged us after a Severe Conflict to give way — when a Most tre- 
mendous Cannonade Commenced on both sides. Continuing near 
four Hours without Ceasing— During this time every possible 
Exertion was made by His Excellency and the Other Generals to 
Spirit up the Troops and to prepare them for an Other tryal — The 
Enemy began to Advance again in a heavy Column against which 
I ordered some [torn out] Advanced with some of my Or [torn out] 
to meet them. The Action was Exceedingly warm and well Main- 
tained on each Side for a Considerable time — At Length Victory 
Declared for us, the British Courage failed and was forced to give 
place to American Valour — 

We Encamped on the field of Battle where we found among the 
Dead and Wounded a Number of the first Officers of the British 
Army — We have taken a Great Many Prisoners — and their men 
are coming in to us by Hundreds of a Day — 

In this Affair we lost some brave Officers killed and Wounded 


with many Other Officers and men — on the part of the Enemy — the 
Slaughter lias been great and [torn out] their Grenadiers Infantry 
and Guards. Their Loss is not less than twelve or fifteen Hun- 
dred men killed & Wounded 

Every General & other officer (one excepted) did Every thing 
that could be expected on this Great Occasion, but Pennsylvania 
shewed the Road to Victory — Adieu my Dear Polly. Send this 
to my poor old Mother & tell her that I am safe & Well. 

Kiss our Little People for me. 

Ant'y Wayne. 

[Mrs. Wayne.] 

General Wayne to Mr. Peters, Secretary of War. 

Paramus 12th July 1778 

Dear Sir, — We have been fn a perpetual move ever since we 
Crossed the Delaware until yesterday — when we arrived here and 
shall be stationary for a few days — -in Order to Recruit a little from 
the hard fatigue we have experienced in Marching through Deserts, 
burning sands &c. &c, &c. 

The Enemy sore from the Action of the 28th Ultimo seem 
Inclined to Rest awhile. They are now in three Divisions, one on 
Long Island — one on Staten Island and the Other at New York — 

The Victory of that day turns out to be much more Considerable 
than at first expected. Col Butler who remained on the Ground 
for two or three days after the Action says that upwards of three 
Hundred British had been buried by us on the field and numbers 
Discovered every Day in the Woods where the action commenced 
exclusive of those buried by the Enemy — which was not short of a 
Hundred — so that by the most Moderate Computation their Killed 
and Wounded must be full fifteen Hundred men of the flower of their 
army — Among them are Numbers of the Richest blood of Eng- 
land — ■ Tell the Phil'a ladies that the heavenly, sweet, pretty red 
Coats — the accomplished Gent'n of the Guards & Grenadiers have 
humbled themselves on the plains of Monmouth 

"The Knights of the Blended Rose" & '* Burning Mount" — 
have Resigned their Laurels to Rebel officers who will lay them at 
the feet of those Virtuous Daughters of America who cheerfully 
gave up ease and Affluence in a city for Liberty and peace of mind 


in a Cottage' — A Propos pray present my best wishes to all such 
among which Number is my Daughter. 

Adieu and believe me yours 
Most Sincerely, 

Ant'y Wayne. 

[NB We have not Rec'd the least Article of Clothing since you 
saw us at Mount Joy and are now naked) 

[Rich'd Peters, Esq.] 

The duty of the army for nearly eighteen months 
after the battle of Monmouth consisted in ingloriously 
watching the enemy at New York lest they should sally 
forth and make destructive raids in Jersey or should 
attempt to secure possession of the Highlands of the 
Hudson. To retain these strongholds was of capital 
importance, for should the British occupy in large 
force the passes in the vicinity of West Point, conve- 
nient communication between the New Eno^land Colo- 
nies and those to the west of the Hudson would be 
cut off. The American army therefore was drawn up in 
the form of a segment of a circle, extending from Middle- 
brook, in New Jersey, to the Delaware on the south, and 
on the north towards Long Island Sound. For many 
months it performed the distasteful but necessary task 
of guarding this widely-extended line. Its numbers, of 
course, were too small to do this work effectually, and 
the duty was extremely harassing to the troops engaged 
in it. The British in New York, cooped up in their 
narrow quarters, also chafed at their enforced inactivity. 
They made occasionally destructive sorties into Jersey 

' This is an allusion to the part taken by the British officers, while 
occupying Philadelphia, in the grand festival of " The Meschianza." 


and Connecticut, — fruitless, it is true, as far as military 
results were concerned, but extremely exasperating to 
those who suffered from them. They also obtained 
possession of King's Ferry on the Hudson at. the south- 
ern extremity of the Highlands, with the works erected 
at Stony Point on the western and at Verplanck's Point 
on the eastern side of the river. These places formed 
part of the system of fortifying the Highlands by the 
Americans. Hence their occupation by the enemy was 
regarded by Washington as a serious menace to his 

The first effect of the French alliance of February, 
1778, was not, as many had hoped, to infuse new vigor 
into the prosecution of the war. It was, unfortunately, 
regarded on all hands as decisive of the question of 
independence. The treaty is spoken of in the corre- 
spondence of the time as the true Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and all, friends and enemy alike, seemed to 
think that it would lead to a speedy settlement of the 
question. Within a few weeks after the hope-inspiring 
battle of Monmouth a large French fleet under the 
Comte d'Estaing, with four thousand troops on board, 
appeared off the coast. It was thought that the Eng- 
lish fleet at Sandy Hook and their army at New 
York were at their mercy. It was soon found, how- 
ever, that there was not water enough within the Hook 
to permit the French squadron to act with advantage. 
So the attempt to destroy the British fleet there was 
given up. It was next arranged that a combined oper- 
ation of the French fleet and an army under General 
Sullivan should be undertaken with the hope of cap- 
turing the English garrison on Rhode Island, or at least 


of compelling it to evacuate that post. The attempt, as 
is well known, was a wretched failure. Whether the fault 
was due to General Sullivan, or to the French admiral, 
or to the. storms which hindered their co-operation, 
the result was worse than a failure, for it bred intense 
jealousy and dislike between us and our French allies. 
The fleet with its troops sailed for Boston, and after a 
long delay there took part in the unsuccessful siege of 
Savannah. In this way were the eyes of our fathers 
opened to the true value of this French alliance for 
which they had so long prayed, and to secure which 
they had professed themselves ready to make such 
abundant sacrifices. It brought them at this time 
neither men nor money nor ships, but it did teach them 
that success was, after all, to be achieved only by their 
own efforts ; yet the lesson was in a great measure 
unheeded, and our countrymen still preferred to hope 
great things from the alliance rather than tax them- 
selves and put in practice the well-tried maxim that in 
union there is force. There seems to have been at 
this time in the army, in contrast with the hopeful tone 
which prevailed in the public, a good deal of depression 
from causes some of which are given in the following 
letter : 

General Wayne to Robert Morris. 

Fredericksburg 5th Oct'r 1778 
Dear Sir, — Your very Polite favour of the 8th Ultimo I have just 
Rec'd — I wish with you that it had been in your Power to give full 
Satisfaction to our poor Worthy fellows in the Article of Clothing 
— their Distresses are great, but there is a Distant prospect of these 
Distresses being Alleviated in some Degree, though not so amply 
nor so soon, as the Season & their wretched Condition Require, 
shou'd the Enemy Operate to the Eastward as from Present Appear- 


ances they Intend it — we shall be like Mahomet and the Mountain 
— if the Clothing wont Come to us — we will go to the Clothing — 

The Honorable mention which His Excellency was pleased to 
make of me on acct. of the Action of Monmouth, must be very 
flattering to a young soldier — Altho' I am Conscious of not having 
done any more than my Duty — and for which I can claim no Merit. 

When Gen'l Reed was at Camp — I believe the State of Penns'a 
was Considered to have but two Brigades in the field — I wish to 
put this matter in a fair point of view — Exclusive of the two Bri- 
gades with this Army (which in health, Numbers & Discipline are 
second to none on the Ground) we have three Hundred Rank & 
file with Col'l William Butler on the Mowhawk River, five Inde- 
pendent Companies at West Point on Hudsons River, Upwards of 
three Hundred Rank & file with Col. Brodhead at Pittsburg — and 
Col'l Hartley's Regiment at Sunbury which was totally Raised in 
Penns'a and either is or ought to be Adopted by the State — so that 
Counting only upon two Brigades is unjust and ungenerous — as the 
troops I have now mentioned would if together, make a stronger 
Effective Brigade than any in the Service — add to this that all the 
troops we have in the field are Enlisted during the War, whilst the 
troops of almost every Other State are only Engag'd for three years 
or Draughted for Eight months — so that by the first of Jan'y we shall 
have more Continental troops in the field than any other State in 
the Whole Confederacy — but not so many GerCl Officers having but 
One Brig'r General for the three Brigades — 

I must acknowledge that I am much pleased to find that Gen'l 
Hand was absolutely appointed for N. Carol'a for was he to take 
a Command in the Penns'a Line we should Inevitably lose Col'l 
Irvine — who was a senior Col'l to Hand — Matters being thus 
situated is it not an Injury to Penns'a not to have the Benefit of its 
Proportion of Gen'l Officers which ought to be at least three Briga- 
diers if the number of Troops is the Criterion to Determine by and 
is it not a prejudice to those Officers who are Entitled to promo- 
tion to be so long neglected. If I am Rightly Instructed — there is a 
Resolve of Congress Reserving to prisoners their Rank and Pro- 
motion in the Line as soon as exchanged — if this is the case I doubt 
not but Col'l Irvine's Merit, Capacity & Conduct as an Officer & a 
Gent'n will Entitle him to that Rank which he would have held had 


he not unfortunately been made a Prisoner he was a Senior Col'l to 
either De Haas or Hand I have Dwelt the Longer on this Subject 
as I have an Intended Resignation as soon as the Campaign ends of 
too many of our best Officers — I am Confident that if some of the 
Principal Officers Lead the way that the Contagion in our Line will be 
very General having no Inducement to Continue in. Indeed they seem 
Desirous of Catching at any Pretext for Quitting a service which has 
or soon will Reduce them to beggary & want leaving but Rank or 
love of Country which will not afford them bread at an other day — 
for my own part I realy should have Retired to my Sabine fields 
before now but for fear of the ill Consequence of the Example 
When I once see matters in a more fixed state I may then be per- 
mitted to Retire without the Imputation of want of Patriotism or 
Courage — which period is most anxiously wished for by your Most 
Ob't & very Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[Hon'bl Rob't Morris.] 

While all the Colonies suffered from the illusions 
which reliance upon the French had fostered, and were 
slower during the last four years of the war in raising 
money or recruiting troops and providing for them 
than during the first three years, the burden of such 
a method of conducting military operations was felt 
with peculiar severity in Pennsylvania. Massachusetts 
not only had abundant harvests, but in her seaports 
was transacted an opulent commerce, and thus she was 
comparatively prosperous ; Virginia at this time had 
on the shores of her navigable rivers large stores of 
tobacco, easily convertible into money when they fell 
into hands not hostile ; but Pennsylvania was, as we 
have said, cut off in a great measure from commerce 
with the rest of the world. 

In August, 1778, what remained of the three Penn- 
sylvania brigades was formed into two, owing to the 


small number of recruits who were enlisted to fill the 
ranks of the old regiments. These brigades were 
composed of four regiments each. The following is a 
list of the field officers : Colonels, Chambers, W. Stew- 
art, Thomas Craig, L. Cadwalader, Johnston, Magaw, 
W. Irvine, and Broadhead ; Lieutenant -Colonels, T. 
Robinson, Miller, Williams, William Buder, Frazer, 
Harmar, Hay, and Bayard; Majors, Moore, Murray, 
Lennox, Church, Stuart, Talbot, Mentges, and F. Ver- 
non.' The list is interesting as showing how steadily 
the officers of the Pennsylvania line under General 
Wayne held their posts. The names of nearly all those 
we have given are familiar for good conduct at Brandy- 
wine, at Paoli, at Germantown, and at Monmouth. So 
slow, however, was the progress of recruiting, that in 
October, 1778, the first brigade still needed eight hun- 
dred and thirteen men, and the second nine hundred 
and fifty, to complete their rolls. 

In common with the whole army encamped at Middle- 
brook during the winter of 1778-79, the Pennsylvania 
line suffered almost beyond endurance, not only from 
a want of clothing and of supplies of all kinds, but also 
from the payment of their wages in money of merely a 
nominal value. Much lack of discipline grew out of 
"the dirt and nakedness of the soldiers," and constant 
discontent on the part of the officers, aggravated by 
disputes concerning relative rank ; in short, there was 
a state of suffering closely akin to that through which 
the army had passed the winter before at Valley 
Forge. Although it was hoped that the trouble would 

' See Appendix. 


be removed in a great measure by the appointment of 
General Greene as quartermaster-general in place of 
General Mifflin, the same complaints were made. The 
true source of the embarrassment of the army service 
was the want of money and of credit. There was also 
a pernicious infatuation that peace could be attained 
without further effort on the part of the Americans 
themselves. To what indifference this blind confidence 
led those at the seat of government is clearly pointed 
out in the Wayne correspondence. He had sent two 
of his most distinguished officers, Colonel Walter Stew- 
art and Colonel William Irvine, while the army was in 
winter quarters, to represent to the Assembly the un- 
fortunate condition of things, hitherto without remedy, 
in regard to the pay and rank of those serving in 
the Pennsylvania line, and to ask for some relief from 
the hardships from which the private soldier suffered. 
A letter of Colonel Stewart's, like one of Washington's 
written about the same time, describes the demoraliza- 
tion which had seized upon men whom they met in 
Philadelphia whose duty it was to find means to sup- 
port the Revolutionary contest. 

The picture of society in Philadelphia at that time 
as drawn by General Washington is suggestive of an 
anarchical condition of things. " Idleness, dissipation, 
& extravagance," writes he, "seem to have laid fast 
hold of the generality, and peculation, speculation, & 
an insatiable thirst of riches to have gotten the better 
of every other consideration, and of almost every order 
of men. . . . The momentous concerns of the em- 
pire, a great & accumulating debt, ruined finances, de- 
preciated money, & a want of credit, which is the want 


of everything, are but secondary considerations, and 
postponed by Congress from time to time, as if their 
affairs wore the most promising aspect. The paper is 
daily sinking fifty per cent., and yet an Assembly, a 
concert, a dinner or a supper which costs from ^200 to 
;^300 does not only take men off from acting, but even 
of thinking of this business." 

In a letter of Colonel Stewart to General Wayne, he 
says, " How much are we disappointed in respect to 
the representation in Congress ; the pleasing ideas we 
had formed of it are now no more. We unfortunately 
find a real set of Caitiffs have supplied their places, and 
what still adds to my Chagrin is that I am told that 
Parson Duffield is to supply the place of Edward 
Biddle who spurned at his colleagues and refused to 
serve among them. Nothing but party reigns in 
different bodies. Every thing confirms me in the 
opinion that the enemy have been long enough in this 

** Permit me to say a little of the dress, manners, & 
customs of the town's people. In regard to the first, 
great alterations have taken place since I was here. It 
is all gaiety, and from what I can observe, every lady 
and gentleman endeavors to outdo the other in splen- 
dor & show. The manners of the ladies are likewise 
much changed. They have really in a great measure 
lost that native innocence which was their former 
characteristic & supplied its place with what they 
call an Easy behavior. . . . The manner of entertaining 
in this place has likewise undergone a change. You 
cannot conceive any thing more elegant than the pres- 
ent taste. You will hardly dine at a table but they 



present you with three courses & Each of them in 
the most elegant manner. 'Tis really flattering to 
the officers of the Army, the attention paid them by 
the people. I have heard many of them mention it. 
We, I assure you, have tickets [invitations] in general 
for five or six days forward. God knows we deserve 
it. Much have we suffered while these people were 
enjoying all the luxury and ease of life." 

Such was Philadelphia, demoralized under the rule 
of Arnold, after the evacuation of the British army, 
and to a Congress and a State Legislature with such 
surroundings Wayne went in the winter of 1778-79 to 
plead the cause of his " naked soldiers." 

Wayne determined to appeal to the State authorities 
until the orrievances should be redressed. He writes to 
General Reed, President, 28th December, 1778. After 
complaining that his officers are suffering for want of 
clothing, he goes on to say, — 

" You will perhaps ask why these officers did not purchase clothing 
for themselves. I answer for obvious reasons among others the 
depreciation of our money is not the least but the real cause. Con- 
gress long ago passed a resolve, recommending to the several States 
to furnish these officers not only with clothing, but all other neces- 
saries, at a moderate rate and in proportion to their pay. In conse- 
quence of this Resolve, a quantity of clothing was purchased by the 
State of Penn'a for that purpose about this time twelve-month, 
and the officers were made to believe it would be sent to camp, 
ready made up, agreeable to the returns and measures sent for the 
purpose. In this they have been egregiously deceived. Not a change 
of uniform has come to camp and if any officer or officers have 
been furnished with clothing, it is not those who now are and always 
have been doing their duty in the field, who are not callous to 
their sufferings, but are conscious of meriting some attention from 
their State although they have not, as yet, experienced any. The 


officers of other States are supplied with almost every necessary- 
suitable for a gentleman and a soldier at a moderate cost, that is 
at less than one sixth part of what they (the Penn'a officers) are 
obliged to pay for articles they can't possibly do without — This 
discrimination among the officers fighting in the same cause and 
serving in the same Army, gives a sensation much better felt than 

"I know it must give you much concern to hear a repetition of 
these grievances, and the more so to know that they are but too just. 
Give me leave to assure you that whatever your feelings may be 
on the occasion, mine are not less, but rather heightened by a con- 
stant view of the hardships and distress which gentlemen are hourly 
exposed to who deserve better treatment. ... If something effect- 
ual is not done forthwith they must be permitted to go home and 
leave the men unofficered. Should that unfortunately be the case 
I have but too much ground to believe that a very great proportion 
of them will never return to this army again. I have already ob- 
served that the subject must be ungrateful, but it is a duty which I 
owe to my country — to myself and the officers whom I have the 
honor to command, to represent their well grounded complaints, 
based upon facts which materially concern the honor of Penn'a, and 
the good of the service in general. I have full confidence that you, 
Sir, will lay the whole matter before the Legislature of the State 
and give it that countenance which you think it merits. 

** I neither ask nor wish for any thing on my own account, and 
wish for nothing more than an opportunity of returning to my 
Sabine fields with safety to my country & honor to myself, and 
am determined to seize the first favorable opportunity to put that 
wish into execution. 

" I am &c., 

" Anth'y Wayne." 

President Reed writes in reply on January 23, 
making various excuses for the non-delivery of the 
clothing, which amount to this : " that the State had 
ordered the articles to be sent, and will try to discover 
why none of the shirts will fit, and why the blue color 


of the cloth has turned brown and white." It seems 
to be a repetition of the old story of the " knavery of 
contractors." He tells Wayne that such was the rapid 
increase of price demanded by our traders that the 
estimate of the cost of two hundred suits of clothes 
for officers was found at current prices to amount to 
sixteen thousand six hundred and fifty pounds. 

Wayne, not yet finding redress, turns to the Con- 
tinental authorities, and writes to Robert Morris and 
Robert Knox about the same time, " I do solemnly 
assure you that nothing but the highest sense of honor 
and true patriotic zeal could have kept our officers 
in a service that promises nothing but indigence and 
want. Their pay is a mere vox et prceterea 7iihil. Such 
as have not a little patrimony of their own (which they 
are breaking in upon by very swift degrees) cannot 
furnish themselves with clothing, much less with the 
usual comforts of life ; so that unless something be 
speedily & effectually done a very large proportion of 
our best officers must inevitably leave the service. 

" I have more than once expressed a wish for a favor- 
able opportunity of quitting the army. That period is 
now drawing nigh. I therefore can have no interest 
in view other than wishing to see brave and worthy 
officers who have shared every vicissitude of fortune 
with me, and who have nobly fought and bled in every 
field of action, honorably provided for, not left (when 
crippled with honest wounds & grown gray in arms) 
to depend upon the cold charity of men who have 
grown rich under the shelter of their protecting swords." 

Finding that no heed was given to his written remon- 
strances, and that the officers whom he had deputed to 


seek redress from the Assembly of Pennsylvania were 
not so successful as he had anticipated, Wayne left the 
army for a short time and went to Philadelphia on the 
same errand. The result of his appeal — and he is said 
to have made a pathetic speech in urging his claims — 
was an act passed in March, 1779, (i) extending the 
term allowed by Congress for half-pay during seven 
years to the duration of the life of the soldier, (2) fix- 
ing a reasonable price for the articles required by the 
soldiers, (3) providing a suitable uniform, and (4) ex- 
empting the land granted to the soldier from taxation 
during his life. 

This was but a poor measure of justice to those who 
had fought with so much constancy and courage to 
defend their native soil from occupation by the enemy 
at Brandywine, at Paoli, and at Germantown, who had 
undergone such privations at Valley Forge and had 
gained fresh renown at Monmouth ; but, such as it was, 
it was received by the soldiers with gratitude, and did 
much to allay the discontent which prevailed in the 
Pennsylvania line. This measure, it will be observed, 
was largely due to the personal influence of General 
Wayne with the Assembly. Wayne was also called 
upon by some of the most prominent men in the State 
to return and aid them in revising the constitution, as 
a remedy for the evils from which they suffered. The 
following is the letter : 

General Mifflin and others to General Wayne. 

November 1778 
Affairs now wear a very pleasing aspect in Penn'a. A majority of 
the members elected to the Assembly are sincerely & warmly dis- 
posed to rescue their country from tyranny & contempt. In the 


County of Chester there has been a double return of members, and 
a new election may perhaps be the consequence of it. Your pres- 
ence in that County and in this City during this important con- 
juncture will be of signal service in many respects which we forbear 
to mention in a letter. The situation of the Army will probably 
admit of your absence for some time from camp. Let us therefore 
have the pleasure of seeing you here as soon as possible. Matters 
are now approaching a crisis, and in a few weeks it will be deter- 
mined whether the State of Penn'a shall be happy under a good 
Constitution, or oppressed by one of the most detestable that was 
ever formed — We need say no more to induce you to be with us. 

Your very humble servants, 

Tho's Mifflin John M. Potts 
Mark Bird E. Biddle 

James Wilson Sam'l Potts 

Wayne replies on the 23d expressing his sympathy 
with the views of these gentlemen, and adds, "The 
State once stood on high grounds & I have the most 
flattering hopes that her present leaders will place her 
there again where the best wishes and services of the 
gentlemen of the Pennsylvania line will not be wanting 
in helping to support her." 

In the midst of the delay on the part of the Assembly 
in doing justice to the claims of the officers under his 
command for suitable clothing, Wayne was called upon 
to confront another source of embarrassment, which 
in the end well-nigh led to the disbandment of his 
division. This was the threatened resignation of all 
his field officers, who were profoundly irritated by 
the relative rank to which many of them had been 
assigned by the "new arrangement," as it was called, 
adopted by the State authorities in February, 1779. 
Before explaining the nature of this particular trouble, 
we must consider the position in which Wayne himself 


was shortly after placed by being superseded in his 
command of the division of the Pennsylvania line by 
General St. Clair. 

General St. Clair was a major-general in the Con- 
tinental service, and General Wayne was a brigadier 
only. He had succeeded Wayne in the command at 
Ticonderoga, and had, greatly to the surprise and dis- 
gust of Washington and the whole army, evacuated 
that post on the approach of Burgoyne's army without 
making the resistance which, as was then thought, his 
resources and the importance of the post demanded. 
He was tried by a court-martial in November, 1778, 
and acquitted upon charges based on these suspicions. 
Meantime, he seems to have convinced General Wash- 
ington of his courage and capacity, and doubtless the 
commander-in-chief gratefully remembered St. Clair's 
suggestion with regard to turning the left of the British 
army at Trenton, which movement proved so masterly 
and successful a piece of strategy. He became, even 
while he was under arrest for his alleged misbehavior 
at Ticonderoga, a member of General Washington's 
military family, and as such (without, however, any 
command) he was present at Brandywine and Mon- 
mouth, but at neither battle, according to Wayne, was 
his conduct creditable. He had not previous to his 
appointment as commander of the Pennsylvania line 
ever led the troops of that State to victory, and he 
appears to have been very little known either to the 
officers or to the soldiers, who had been trained and 
made effective by Wayne for nearly three years. These 
soldiers were not only naturally very much attached 
to Wayne, but they were proud of the renown they 


had achieved under his command, and considered them- 
selves as forming a special corps cf elite in the Revolu- 
tionary army. When, therefore, it was found by Wayne 
that not only did his great services at Brandywine, at 
Germantown, and at Monmouth avail nothing- in se- 
curing military promotion, but that he was not even 
permitted to retain the command in which he had 
acquired such distinction, he prepared the following 
draught of a letter, which it seems was never sent, but 
which is valuable now as showing how deeply he felt 
the indignity thrust upon him. 

After speaking of the ill-will borne him by St. Clair, 
as shown by his sneering criticism of the finding of 
the court-martial which acquitted him of misconduct 
at Paoli, Wayne goes on : 

" 14 Oct 78 

" I have other reasons, one of which is the conduct of that gent'n 
at Monmouth. An opening offered at striking the enemy to advan- 
tage. I sent for the three Penn'a Brigades to support me ; he hap- 
pening to be near when my request arrived peremptorily ordered 
them not to advance, except three Regiments which with myself 
must inevitably have perished had the Enemy not been fortunately 
broken and routed by the unparalleled bravery of these few troops 
— & contrary to the most sanguine hopes of every Spectator — 
Although victory declared for us and the slaughter was great, yet 
we could not improve the advantage from the disparity of numbers 
— of which we were deprived either by the ignorance or the envy of 
this gentleman — 

"Add to this, that Col. Irvine the gentleman at the head of my 
brigade is fully competent to the charge — and whose feelings I am 
determined not to hurt by depriving him of that command — 

"I don't mean by this to ask for promotion. My only ambi- 
tion was a Brigadier General's Command of the Penn'a line, which 
command I have been indulged in for two campaigns and there- 
fore thought I had some claim to that honor in future. But to be 


superseded at this late hour b}'' a man in whose conduct and candor 
I can have no confidence hurts me not a little — 

" This perhaps may be a mode of reasoning that will have but 
little weight. I solemnly protest that I have no such wish. I only 
hoped not to be degraded, that is, reduced from the command of a 
division to a brigade — and that under a man — who for reasons I 
have already mentioned I can never submit to. I have therefore 
determined to return to domestic life, & leave the blustering field of 
Mars to the possession of gentlemen of more worth," etc. 

As Wayne's passion cooled, he felt that it was his 
duty, particularly at a time when all his field ofiicers 
were threatening- to resign their commissions because, 
as they alleged, they had been unjustly treated in the 
matter of rank, to show no open sign of disaffection. 
He therefore applied for leave of absence in February, 
1779, and, showing a fine example of unselfish dis- 
interestedness and patriotic devotion, asked the com- 
mander-in-chief that he might be appointed to the com- 
mand of a corps of light infantry which it was proposed 
to organize for special service in the spring. He 
stated in his application that, although he " sincerely 
esteemed" General St. Clair, he had so much tender- 
ness for the feelings of the officers " that have hith- 
erto commanded the Pennsylvania brigades that I can't 
think of interfering with them on that point ;" in other 
words, that although for himself he was willing to be- 
come once more a brigade commander, he could not 
consent that his colonels who had commanded bri- 
gades, like Irvine and Butler, should become colonels 
again. General Washington granted his application at 
once, and told him on the loth of February, 1779, 
*' My opinion of your merit will lead me cheerfully to 
comply with your request as soon as the arrangements 


of the army and other circumstances permit the forma- 
tion of that corps." Turning over the division to St. 
Clair in February, he went to Philadelphia to work for 
its interests. 

But he never could forgive the injustice done his 
colonels, although the wrongs to himself were forgotten. 
He writes concerning it, in a letter to General Arm- 
strong of the 25th of April, 1779, "I beg to assure you 
that my only ambition was to have continued a Briga- 
dier Commanding the Penn'a line, a command I had 
long enjoyed, and in which I esteemed myself as much 
honored by the confidence and affection of my officers 
and soldiers as I could possibly hope from any in the 
power of Congress to bestow. Whenever Congress 
or his Excellency shall honor me with the charge of 
troops without wounding the feelings of other officers 
I shall gladly accept it, but on no other consideration." 

The loyalty of Wayne to his friends was a con- 
spicuous trait in his character, and this example of it, 
insisting that Irvine's and Butler's services should be 
recognized, even if it were necessary that he should 
sacrifice his own position in order to accomplish the 
object, is a very striking one. No wonder, when his 
officers and men found that they had a man at their 
head who would not hesitate to prefer their interests to 
his own. that an affectionate and solid attachment grew 
up between General Wayne and those under his com- 
mand. No general officer was ever more warmly and 
deservedly beloved by his men, or more readily ob- 
tained from them arduous and devoted service. He 
was unceasing, as we have seen, in the midst of their 
privations, in his efforts to promote their welfare in 


camp, and in urging the State authorities to do their 
duty to the men enlisted in the service. While doing 
everything for them, he insisted that a high standard of 
military discipline should be kept up, so that his men 
might be at all times truly effective. How he suc- 
ceeded, their record at Brandywine, at Germantown, at 
Monmouth, and at Stony Point clearly shows. Wayne 
was more than a popular military leader. His exam- 
ple, according to Colonel Frank Johnston, was a strong 
cohesive force in the army. " It is a matter of astonish- 
ment to me," says Colonel Johnston, "almost a miracle, 
that we have an Army, or the most distant vestige of 
an Army in being, and had it not been for the mutual 
and happy attachment which has uniformly existed be- 
tween the officers and the men I do not hesitate to say 
that we should not have a single soldier in the field." 

Just at this time he found it necessary to rebuke some 
of his younger officers for a breach of discipline, and 
in doing so he drew the line between what pertained to 
the military and what to the civil ruler in time of war. 
We may well weigh his views on this subject, for they 
trace clearly the course which a general during a civil 
war in his own country should follow. These letters 
seem to show that " Mad Anthony" was a good deal of 
a civilian as well as of a soldier. Nothing was further 
from his thoupfhts all throug-h his career than the exer- 
cise of any illegal or arbitrary authority. 

Fredricksburg 5th Oct. 1778 
Gentlemen, — I have caused Cap't Lieu't Henderson, Lieu't Mar- 
shall, Lieu't Ball & Ensign Smith to be put in arrest for abusing & 
Wounding you or some of you with their Swords. 

As I am not acquainted with the Circumstances — I wish you either 


to Inform me by Writing or otherwise with a true Account of the 
Whole Affair as soon as Possible in Order that proper means may 
be taken to bring the Aggressors to Justice — Major Wright who 
Carries this will bring your Answer or Conduct you or either of you 
to my Quarters at the House of Mr Benjamin Haverland. 

Interim I am your Most 

Ob't Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne 
Henry Birdsell 
James Birdsell 

William March 

Oct'rgth 1778 
Honoured Sir, — As we were Ordered this Morning By the 
Court Martial to be Confined to our tents, and are Deprived of the 
Benefit of the Military Law, wherein we would have an Opportunity 
to Vindicate our Characters and Clear up that Heavy Slurr that 
Lies upon our Honours, By Facts which May Be Misstated to the 

We most Humbly Request of the Gen'l to allow us the Liberty 
of the Camp, as it will be a Means to Prevent any sickness which 
May Arise to us, from Our Close and Disagreeable Confinement — 

Or may it Please the Gen'l to Withdraw Our arrest and Lett us 
Return to Our Duty, We will Give in Security (If required) For 
Our Appearance when Called upon 

We Are Honoured Sir 
your Most Obd't Sert's 

Jno Henderson Capt Lt 3. P. R't 
John Marshall Lieut 3. P. R't 
B. Wm Ball Lieut 3d P. R't 
To Peter Smith Ensign 3d P. R't 

The Honourable 
Brigad'r Gen'l Wayne — 
Present — 

Fredricksburg loth Oct'r 1778 
Gentlemen, — I have just seen yours of yesterday by which you 
Complain of being Deprived of the Benefit of Military Law. 


You Certainly can't be Ignorant of the superior power of the 
Civil Law over the Military — and as you have been Guilty of exer- 
cising Military Law over the peaceable & Unarmed Inhabitants 
of this State — the Governor who is the Guardian of the Civil Liber- 
ties of the People over which he presides, has Demanded you to be 
Given up to the Civil power — His Excellency Gen'l Washington 
has Ordered you to be Confined until he Receives Gov'r Clinton's 
Directions where to send you — I am also to Inform you that how- 
ever you may Conceive your Honors hurt on the Occasion — that it 
has never yet been Deemed Honourable for Armed men to Assault 
& Wound unarmed men in any Line Whatever — but has been par- 
ticularly Reprobated in the Army. 

However in a full Reliance on your Honor you may have hereby 
the Liberty of the Camp till further Orders — Interim I am 

Your Most Ob't Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne 

Capt. Lieut. Henderson 

LiEUTS. Marshall, Ball & Ensign Smith 

Just as Wayne had settled the question of rank in 
his own case by accepting the promise of his appoint- 
ment to the command of the corps " of Hght infantry, 
which was to be raised in the spring," and, turning 
over the division to General St. Clair, had retired tem- 
porarily from the army, a new source of trouble, arising 
from the discontent of the field officers with the rela- 
tive rank assigned them by the " new arrangement" 
of February, 1779, arose in the Pennsylvania line. 
Owing to the diminished number of men, it became 
necessary that the force should be embodied in two 
brigades, and that many changes should be made in 
the personnel of the regimental officers. For many 
reasons, great objections were made to the new assign- 
ment. Most of Wayne's officers had served in the 
line in all the campaigns from the beginning, and they 


prided themselves upon what they and their soldiers 
had done in these campaigns. Nothing seemed more 
unfair to them than that high rank should be given to 
men who had never, or at most for but a very short 
period, served in the army, the rank conferred upon 
them preventing the promotion of those who had borne 
the heat and burden of the day. 

Especially was objection made to giving these cov- 
eted places to those who had been taken prisoners 
of war at Fort Washington in 1776 and had therefore 
seen no service since that date. Particularly was their 
anger excited by the brevet commission given by Con- 
gress to Major Macpherson, who had seen no service 
whatever in the American army. Macpherson, a na- 
tive of Philadelphia, had been a cadet in the English 
service previous to the Revolution, and had reached 
the position of adjutant when hostilities broke out. At 
that time he resigned his commission, but he did not 
enter the American army until February, 1779, when 
he was made by Congress major by brevet, thus super- 
seding all those who had faithfully done their duty as 
officers of the line for nearly three years. These gen- 
tlemen were so profoundly irritated by this conduct of 
Congress that the field officers of the different regi- 
ments unanimously agreed to resign their commissions 
if their grievances were not redressed by the 15th of 
the ensuing April. The difficulty about Macpherson's 
appointment was bridged over in some way at this time, 
but in August, 1780, the trouble was renewed, with 
more threats on the part of the officers of a resignation 
of their commissions if Macpherson were retained as 


In this alarming condition of things, Wayne, although 
he had ceased to have any official connection with the 
Pennsylvania line, came forward, as usual, with concili- 
atory words and pacific measures. The occasion was 
one of great alarm, for the resignation of the officers 
meant the dissolution of the most efficient division in 
the army. He exerted all his influence to induce the 
officers to reconsider their resolution. What compro- 
mise was made cannot be clearly indicated, but the re- 
sult was that through Wayne's agency these ill-treated 
officers retained their position in the army, ready to do 
in the future, as they had done in the past, loyal service 
to the cause the success of which they all had so much 
at heart. 

The correspondence on this subject between Wayne 
and the offended officers is one of the finest illustrations 
to be found in his whole career of the manner in which 
he gained the confidence of those he commanded. 

General Wayne to the Field Officers of the Pennsylvania Line. 

Philadelphia 14th March 1779. 

Gentlemen, — In consequence of a Memorial of which the en- 
closed is a copy, a Committee [of the Assembly] was appointed 
with orders to call me to their assistance to form some plan for 
putting our officers and troops on an equal footing with those of 
other States — 

We went a little farther than was expected, & presented the Hon : 
House with the inclosed resolves, which after some debate were 
carried by a great majority. Your Letter of the 7th came to hand 
too late, but had it been in time, it would not have been presented, 
as threats often irritate, & sometimes defeat the ends they are in- 
tended to obtain. — However I should have Retained it as 2. Dernier 
resort. The recruiting business is now before the house, who have 
demanded a loan of money from Congress for that purpose, & for 


procuring cloathing &c for the Officers who are now put on a footing 
equal to the British Establishment, & Superior to any others on the 

You will in my name please to congratulate the Officers and 
Troops on the Occasion and believe me 

Yours most affectionately 

Ant'y Wayne. 
The Committee of Field Officers 
OF THE Pennsylvania Line. 

General Wayne to Colonel Hannar — Extract. 

Philadelfhia 24th Feb'y 1779. 

Dear Colonel, — Enclosed is the old arrangement of the Penn'a 
Line as made at White Plains. The Board of War have submitted 
a Copy of the new one to His Excellency Gen'l Washington for a 
Cotnpletion in which there are a variety of errors among Others — 
many Gent'n who were Capt's are now only rated as Cap't Lieut's 
but this being a palpable mistake you will easily have it Rectified — 
you will also be able to point out the Resignations — in the Re- 
spective Regiments — and supplying their place, by those next in 

I fear that the Major of the nth Regiment will give some un- 
easiness to many worthy Captains who had Commanded him — I also 
feel for poor Minzer. However my hands are clear of every part 
of it as you can see by the Enclosed letter from the board of War 
wrote about the time I left Camp. 

I wish to God that you and the Other Field Officers may be able 
to settle the whole with mutual satisfaction to all parties. 


Millstone Camp March 8th 1779. 

Dear General, — Agreeable to your Request, I do myself the 
Honor of transmitting you exact Copies of the two Arrangements — 
The latter is likely to create great Uneasiness — General S't Clair 
has recommended, a Board of Field Officers to sit, & endeavor to 
settle it amongst ourselves — We shall have a Difficult Task of it — 

The officers are greatly irritated, — yesterday they presented a 
letter to the Committee, signed in behalf of all the officers present, 


stating many well founded Grievances — desiring us to paint them 
in as striking Terms as possible, and to inform the House of Assem- 
bly, unless immediate Redress is granted, they would unanimously 
resign their Commissions by the 15th April — 

The matter is really serious. Such a step will Dissolve the 
Division — We have wrote the Committee of Correspondence 
yesterday — informing them the fixed Determination of the Officers 
— but I suppose it will be treated as we have been, with Neglect 
and Contempt — 

Should you incline to accept the Command of the Light Corps — 
I shall esteem it a singular Happiness to be honored with a Com- 
mand under you — 

I received a letter some Days since from Col Magaw on Long 
Island. Desires his Compliments, and believe me 

Dear General 
Your most obed't hble serv. 

Jos. Harmar. 

General Wayne. 

General Wayne to President Reed. 

Camp at Millstone 24th Jan'y, 1779. 

Dear Sir, — I do myself the Honor of Enclosing an Address of 
the Field Officers of this Line to your Excellency, together with 
Copies of Resolves of Virginia & Maryland for supplying their 
Officers & Soldiers with Clothing and Other necessaries ; also the 
Report of the Committee respecting the Clothing lately arrived 
under the Conduct of Capt. Lang with an Estimate of the Quantity 
of Cloth & other Materials sufficient to furnish a Suit of Clothes 
for each Officer. 

It's with Sincere Pleasure & Esteem I join in Sentiment with 
the Committee in Congratulating you on your appointment to the 
Presidency of a State which from Internal Divisions has been 
Rendered feeble & will require the utmost exertions of that forti- 
tude & abilities with which you have hitherto acted in every Vicis- 
situde of Fortune, & from which we have the most flattering hopes 
of seeing Penns'a resuming that rank & Consequence which she is 
entitled to hold. 

I am Confident that the Officers and Troops of this Line will 



soon Experience the happy effects of having at the head of their 
State a Gen'l truly disposed to Redress their just Complaints, & to ' 
alleviate their distress & whom they Esteem as their Common friend 
& Guardian. 

The Clear & Decided Opinion of the Committee of Arrangement, 
mentioned in your Excellency's Letter of the 14th Instant — I shall 
Communicate in as Delicate a manner as possible to the Gen'l who 
will be affected by it, — & whom I most ardently wish to Retain in the 
army from the fullest Conviction that our Line will suffer extremely 
by the Change. 

It is not the/^zy or Emolument attending their Commissions that 
can Induce Gen' Is of Sentiment and nice feelings of Honor to Con- 
tinue in this Service — the former being mere Vox prceterea nihil. 

It is the Letter & Rank alone that can Retain them — & when- 
ever Injured in these tender points we must expect to lose Gen'Is 
of Spirit & Sensibility — who are the very men we want to render 
our arms formidable to our Enemy & Respectable to our friends. 

You express a wish to know the Date of my Commission — my 

Colonel Com'n was dated the 3rd of Jan'y 1776 my Brig'r-Gn 

Feb. I, 1777. 

A. Wayne. 

On General Wayne's retirement from the command 
of the Pennsylvania line the following letter was ad- 
dressed to him by the field officers : 

Field Officers of the Line to General Wayne. 

Millstone Camp March 27th 1779. 

Sir, — The manner of expressing the grateful sense of a set of men 
conscious of their inability is harder to conclude on than is gener- 
ally imagined ; especially when they know they are more indebted 
than the delicacy of the benefactors would choose to hear. 

In this dilemma of gratitude, we are really at a loss, but fully 
sensible of the open goodness of your heart, are confident every 
reasonable allowance will be made for our want of capacity and 

We are (long since) acquainted with your endeavours to render 
the Troops of the State of Pennsylvania respectable and comfort- 


able; and the recent proof you have given of your attachment to 
them, has rivetted the hearts of all ranks more firmly to you (if pos- 
sible) than before. Your manly and pathetic address to the Assem- 
bly must {nay does) render your name more dear to the whole line, 
who are confident of its effect with the House. — If there be a 
merit in keeping the present set of Officers in the Service, or a bene- 
fit hereafter result by it to the State, it is much owing to your deli- 
cate mode of proceeding on the occasion ; as they were generally 
determined to quit the Field : — but, as a provision is now made that 
will enable them to serve, we hope our friends and Country will 
be convinced (and see) by our future conduct, it was no licentious 
or parsimonious view, but real necessity and an apparent neglect, 
caused by the resolution. 

We therefore beg leave to assure you, sir, that we have the 
highest opinion of your integrity and worth ; and though we have 
not now the honour to be commanded by you in the Field, we hope 
you will not imagine us so contracted in sentiment, as to lose any 
part of that sincere esteem and respect we have ever had for you as 
a Friend, a Brother, & Commander, and hope in a short time to see 
justice done to your well-known merit, and you placed in that station 
we are confident you can fill with honour to yourself, satisfaction to 
the Public, & benefit to your Country. 

Filled with these sentiments, and conscious of your deserts, we 
pray you to receive, through us, the most grateful acknowledgments 
of your services, and the sincere thanks of the whole Line present; 
with their best wishes for your health & welfare, — and in a particular 
manner the thanks and Friendship of, Dear General 
Your most obedient & 

very affectionate Humble Servants 

James Chambers Col loth P. Reg. 

Rich'd Butler Col 7th P. Reg. 

T. Craig Col. 3rd P. Reg. 

Jos Harmar Lt Com 6th P Reg. 

J. Mentges Maj. 7th P. Reg. 

Jno. Murray Maj 2. P. Reg. 

Thomas L. Bvles Maj 3 P. Reg. 

Wm Williams Lt Col 3 P. Reg. 

J. Grier Maj loth P. Reg. 


No sooner was it known in the army that General 
Wayne was to command the new Light Infantry Corps 
than many officers, old officers of the Pennsylvania line, 
as well as those of other States, expressed an ardent 
desire to serve under him, and solicited him to ask 
General Washington to appoint them to positions in 
the new corps. Wayne, with characteristic deference 
to the wishes of the commander-in-chief, writes him in 
May, 1779, " I had better be absent (while the corps is 
being organized) lest it should be supposed, however 
erroneously, that partiality of mine for certain officers 
had tended to bring them into the Corps." 

The Light Infantry Corps of the Continental army, 
which during its short life became so famous for its dis- 
cipline, and so illustrious for its deeds of valor, notably 
for its assault on Stony Point, was composed, according 
to Colonel Johnston, " of one and a half battalions of 
the choicest sons of Pennsylvania, taken from your own 
line, and so in proportion to the other lines on this 
ground [camp at Middlebrook], and, if no detachments 
are made, your command is intended to number 2000 
men, and is preferable to that of any in the Army." 
There were two Connecticut regiments in it, under Col- 
onels Putnam and Meigs, a Virginia regiment, under 
Colonel Febiger, and the rest were Pennsylvanians, 
under Colonel Richard Butler. They were formed in 
two brigades, the first commanded by General Irvine, 
and the second by Colonel Johnston. It was ready to 
take the field towards the close of June, 1779. 

So much has been said, and justly said, of the evils 
in the Continental army due to sectional distrust and 
jealousy among the troops, that it is only fair, in re- 


counting the deeds of the men who formed this Light 
Infantry Corps, to recall that at least on one moment- 
ous occasion an appeal to their State pride proved 
of advantaee. In his address to his men detailed for 
the assault on Stony Point General Wayne tells them, 
"The distinguished honor conferred upon every officer 
and soldier who has been drafted into this corps, by his 
Excellency General Washington, the credit of the States 
they respectively belong to, and their own reputations, 
will be such powerful motives for each man to distin- 
guish himself, that the General cannot have the least 
doubt of a glorious victory. He hereby engages to 
reward the first man who enters the works. . . . But 
should there be any soldier so lost to a feeling of honor 
as to attempt to retreat a single foot, or skulk in the 
face of danger, the officer next to him is immediately 
to put him to death, that he may no longer disgrace the 
name of a soldier, or the corps or the State to which he 

Such was the martial tone with which Wayne ad- 
dressed his soldiers within a few days after assuming 
the command, and in preparation for the most hazard- 
ous enterprise of the war, the assault on the fortress 
at Stony Point. 



On Wayne's return to the army in June, 1779, he 
found General Washington extremely desirous of re- 
capturing two forts, — one at Stony Point, on the western 
side of the Hudson River, and the other at Verplanck's 
Point, opposite, on the eastern side, — which guarded 
the approach to King's Ferry, and which the British had 
forced the Americans to evacuate on the ist of June. 
The forts were regarded as important, not only because 
they commanded King's Ferry, the only convenient line 
of communication between the New England and the 
middle Colonies, but also because, standing as they did 
at the southern extremity of the Highlands, they gave 
control, in the hands of an enemy, over West Point and 
its dependencies to the northward. 

The strategetical value of this position, indeed, was 
such that it had been the objective point of Burgoyne 
when he strove to form a junction with the British 
coming from New York in 1777, ^"^ it was afterwards 
thought by Sir H. Clinton to be so essential to his 
operations in that quarter that he attempted to pur- 

^ There have been, of course, many accounts printed of the famous 
assault on Stony Point. That of Mr, Henry B. Dawson, written 
with all Wayne's papers before him, seems to me the most accu- 
rate and satisfactory, and has therefore been mainly followed in this 


chase the possession of West Point by the bribery of 
Arnold in September, 1780. 

It would appear that Washington waited impatiently 
for the arrival of Wayne in order to concert with him 
measures for regaining these posts, and, indeed, that 
he designed that the newly-formed Light Infantry Corps, 
of which he had appointed Wayne commander, should 
carry out his plans for this purpose. 

The fort at Stony Point was built on a rocky prom- 
ontory on the west side of the Hudson, about one hun- 
dred and fifty feet high. Three sides of this promon- 
tory were surrounded by water, and on the fourth a 
swamp or morass, which was not passable at high tide, 
separated it from the land. It was guarded by three 
redoubts, and protected by a double abatis of logs, 
which extended across the peninsula. The cannon 
were so arranged as to enfilade any approach to the 
inner works supposed to be practicable. It had a gar- 
rison of about five hundred men, under the command 
of Colonel Johnston, who was regarded as a highly capa- 
ble ofificer. 

The main part of Washington's army was then en- 
camped in Smith's Clove, about ten miles back of West 
Point, and head-quarters were at New Windsor. It 
had been intended that the Light Infantry Corps, which 
was detailed for the purpose of assaulting the works, 
should consist of eight battalions of one hundred and 
sixty-four men each, under the command of a briga- 
dier-general. Two only of the regiments belonging to 
this corps, or four battalions, were actually formed and 
organized on the ist of July, when Washington issued 
his orders to prepare for the assault. These orders di- 


rected, in the first place, that a thorough reconnoissance 
of the position should be made, so that an accurate 
knowledge of the points to be assailed should be ob- 
tained, and especially that the manner in which these 
points were guarded should be carefully observed. 
These four battalions were supposed to form the elite 
of Washington's army, and the men composing them 
had been selected with great care. They were com- 
manded respectively by Colonels Putnam and Meigs of 
Connecticut, Colonel Richard Buder of Pennsylvania, 
and Colonel Christian Febiger of Virginia. 

It is curious to notice, as an instance of the malad- 
ministration of the army service, that, although the offi- 
cers and men of the Light Infantry Corps were ready 
for any dangerous enterprise which might be under- 
taken, the commissariat, as so often happened at critical 
periods of the Revolution, was at fault, and its condition 
threatened the success of the movement against Stony 
Point. Thus, General Wayne was obliged on the 8th 
of July to reprimand the commissary for not providing 
any forage for his horses ; they would, he says, " if 
they could speak, d — n him for starving them ;" and 
on the next day, while he was completing the prepa- 
rations for the assault, he was forced to tell the same 
ofificer, " The Light Corps under my command has been 
much neglected in almost every article of provision. 
They have had but two days' fresh provisions since they 
arrived here [Fort Montgomery], and not more than 
three days' allowance of rum in twelve days, which 
article I borrowed from General MacDougall, with a 
promise to replace it." 

No privations, however, seem to have cooled the 


ardor of his soldiers. His officers were all men of tried 
valor and enterprise, and of abundant experience in 
desperate undertakings. Had the army itself chosen 
the leaders of the expedition they would doubtless have 
been selected for that purpose. Richard Butler, the 
Pennsylvanian, as we have seen, had already shown a 
coolness in action in many severe engagements, es- 
pecially in Morgan's Rifle Regiment, which fitted him 
for any emergency; Meigs and Rufus Putnam of Con- 
necticut were well known as possessing a skill and de- 
votion to the cause equalled only by the bravery with 
which they had maintained it ; and Febiger, a Dane by 
birth, the colonel of the Virginia regiment, was recog- 
nized by all as one of the most trustworthy officers in 
the army. Serving under them, and sharing all the 
dangers of the attempt, were men whose names have 
become conspicuous as among the bravest in Revo- 
lutionary history. The soldiers came from widely- 
separated States. The men of Connecticut and Mas- 
sachusetts stood shoulder to shoulder with those of 
Pennsylvania and Virginia, while the gallant Murfrees 
with his North Carolina troops was a tower of strength 
to both the assaulting columns. 

The result of the reconnoissance made by Wayne was 
a decision that a storming of the defences was not likely 
to be successful, and that if the fort was to be taken at 
all it could be done only by surprise, — that is, by a sud- 
den and overwhelming rush of the assailants, which, 
overcoming all obstacles, should drive the defenders 
from their outer works into the interior of the fort and 
overcome them before they had time to rally or oppor- 
tunity for resistance. Such a plan, of course, increased 


the danger of the attempt, but if it could be carried 
out, — and that depended upon the firmness and forti- 
tude of the officers and men, — success was assured. 

The following is the report of the careful reconnois- 
sance of the place made by General Wayne, aided by 
Colonel Butler and Major Steward : 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Fort Montgomery 3rd July 1779 
10 O'clock A.M 

Dear General, — In Obedience to your Excellency's Orders I 
have Reconnoitred the Situation of the Enemy at Stoney point 
& the approaches to them in the best manner that Circumstances 
would admit & Returned late last evening to this place — 

The sketch herewith transmitted (which differs but little from that 
made the Other day by Col'l Butler) will give you a General Idea 
of the Strength of their Works on the West Side which in my 
Opinion are formidable — (I think too much so for a Storni) & to 
attempt to Reduce it by Regular Approaches will require time as 
there is no ground within less distance than a half a mile but what 
it commands. 

The works on Verplanks point are by no means so formidable as 
those on this side — altho' they consist of four Redoubts — Viz. the 
one made by us Called La Fayette with upraised Ditch the second 
situated to the N.W. on the Rising ground near the River in which 
is a block House — the third thrown up round a strong stone House 
East of Fort La Fayette & on the margin of a Rising ground Com- 
manding the causeway from the Church — the fourth is Situate on 
the East Side of the Creek & march, on a high point of Rocks 
commanding all the Ground in its vicinity & overlooking the cause- 
way (it has also a block House) these last three are Surrounded 
with Abbatis but not pierced nor cou'd I discover any Embrasures 
perhaps they fire in Barbet ? 

I am clear that they have not more than men on Stoney 

point & about on Verplanks point in all of which I am joined 

in Opinion by Col. Butler & Major Steward who were with me on 
this duty & on whose judgment I much rely — 


Upon the whole I do not think a Storm practicable — but perhaps 
a Surprise may be Effected — could we fall on some stratagem to 
draw them out — A thought has struck me that as no party of force 
has ever yet been down or Appeared to the Enemy — & as I have 
ground to believe that an Inhabitant living near Stoney point acts 
a double part & of course will give them every Information in his 
power — which goes no further than to the usual route & number 
of the Reconnoitring parties — they may be Induced to Attempt an 
Ambuscade or if they should not attempt this a few of our people 
appearing near may bring a party out in pursuit which may give an 
Opening to enter with thetn. Shou'd your Excellency Incline to 
Reconnoitre the works tomorrow morning or next day I will have 
a proper Disposition made of the Light Corps so as to Effectually 
cover you, or attempt the surprise in Case it meets your Approba- 
tion — The Troops at the forrest of Dane may Cooperate with us if 

thought necessary 

Interim I am your Excellency's Most 

Ob't Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne 
His Excellency 
Gen'l Washington. 

The plan finally adopted by General Washington, 
after making "himself a reconnoissance of the place, 
somewhat modified by Wayne in consequence of his 
greater familiarity with the ground, was the follow- 
ing. The commander-in-chief writes to General Wayne, 
July 10,— 

" My ideas of the enterprise in contemplation are 
these : 

" That it should be attempted by the Light Infantry 
only, which should march under cover of the night and 
with the utmost secrecy to the enemy's lines, securing 
every person they find to prevent discovery. 

''Between one & two hundred choseti men & officers 
I conceive fully sufficient for the surprise, and appre- 


hend that the approach should be along the water on 
the south side, crossinof the beach and enterinof at the 

"This party is to be preceded by a vanguard of pru- 
dent and determined men well commanded, who are to 
remove obstructions, secure the sentries, and drive in 
the guard. They are to advance (the whole of them) 
with fixed bayonets and muskets unloaded. The offi- 
cers commanding them are to know precisely what 
batteries or particular parts of the line they are re- 
spectively to possess, so that confusion & the conse- 
quences of indecision may be avoided. 

"These parties should be followed by the main body 
at a small distance for the purpose of support. . . . 
Other parties may advance to the works by the way of 
the causeway & the River on the north if practicable 
as well for the purpose of distracting the enemy in 
their defence as to cut off their retreat. . . . 

"If success should attend the enterprise measures 
should be taken to prevent the retreat of the garrison 
by water, or to annoy them as much as possible should 
they attempt it. The guns should be immediately 
turned against the shipping and Verplanck's point, and 
covered, if possible, from the enemy's fire. 

" Secrecy is so much more essential to these kind of 
enterprises than numbers, that I should not think it 
advisable to employ any other than light troops. If a 
surprise takes place they are fully equal to the business, 
if it does not numbers will avail little." 

The commander-in-chief then goes on to impress 
upon Wayne the necessity of taking precautions to 
preserve secrecy, and even speaks in detail of the 


hour when the attack should be made, recommending 
" that the troops should move on the works at mid- 
night rather than at the morning dawn." He concludes 
by saying to General Wayne that these are, in his 
opinion, the principles that should govern him In his 
operations; but, after telling him that he relies abso- 
lutely on his judgment, he gives him " full liberty to 
vary the plan of attack as the circumstances of the 
hour may require." 

This letter of instructions of General Washington has 
often been printed, and it shows how he, in this as in all 
his other military enterprises, pointed out with pains- 
taking accuracy to his subordinates every detail of the 
work to be done. It is equally remarkable as a proof 
of the confidence which he reposed in Wayne when 
difficult operations were to be undertaken. He dwells, 
it will be observed, on the minutest particulars of the 
movement, as if a careful observance of each was es- 
sential to the success of the operations in which the 
Light Infantry Corps was to engage. Although, with 
that modesty which was one of his strongest peculiari- 
ties, he left to Wayne full liberty to modify his plans, 
yet such was the accuracy with which he sketched the 
work of the troops that Wayne found it unnecessary 
to make any change, except, as will appear, in an un- 
important detail, when it came to the actual assault. 
This change, by the way, Washington calls, in his official 
report, an " improvement on his own plan." The plan 
adopted, then, was substantially that of the commander- 
in-chief himself. 

On the 14th of July Washington permitted Wayne 
to make the assault on the next night should he think 


the circumstances favorable. On the next day Wayne, 
in company with Colonels Butler and Febiger, made a 
last reconnoissance, when it was determined to add to 
the plan suggested by General Washington "a second 
attack," as Wayne called it, which, as he writes to the 
general, "is the only alteration from yours of the loth." 
In the buoyancy of his spirit he concludes his last de- 
spatch to his chief in these hopeful w^ords: "I am 
pleased at the prospect of the day, and have the most 
happy presages of the fortune of the night." He en- 
closed in his letter a copy of his " order of battle," as he 
called it, or his instructions for the assault. 

The regiments must move forward in absolute silence ; 
no one, on any pretence, to leave the ranks (to pre- 
serve secrecy), on penalty of being at once put to 
death by the officer in charge.^ Arrived at the foot 
of the hill, Colonel Febiger was to form his regiment 
in a solid column of half-platoon front, Colonel Meigs 
to follow immediately after Febiger, and Major — after- 
wards General — Hull (in the absence of Colonel Put- 
nam, on duty at Constitution Island) in the rear of Meigs. 
These were to form the right column of attack. The 
left column was formed in the same way under Colonel 
Richard Butler, with Major Murfrees, of North Carolina, 
in the rear. 

Each column was to be preceded by a detachment of 
one hundred and fifty " picked and determined men," 
that on the right to be commanded by Colonel Fleury 
(a French officer who had done much gallant service 

' This was no vain threat. While the troops were preparing for 
the assault, one unfortunate stepped out of the ranks to load his 
musket. He was at once run through by one of the officers. 


during the war), that on the left by Major Jack Steward 
of Maryland. Each was to send forward on his march 
an officer and twenty men a little in advance, whose 
business it should be to secure the sentries and remove 
the abatis and obstructions for the column to pass 
through. These parties of twenty men, known in mili- 
tary parlance as " the forlorn hope," held the post 
where the danger was greatest, but where the chance 
of acquiring glory in case of survival was most certain. 
When the left column reached a certain point, Murfrees 
was to separate from it, and open a furious fire on the 
front of the works, in order to draw the attention of 
the enemy from the flanking columns. The right and 
left columns were to capture the outlying pickets, and, 
attacking the defenders, force their way over and around 
the abatis and enter the interior of the fort by the sally- 
port, driving the enemy before them. 

The battalion of light horse under Major Henry Lee 
had been ordered to follow the expedition as a corps de 
resej've. Colonel Ball's regiment of infantry had been 
moved forward from Rose's farm to support the column 
should support become necessary, and as cover to the 
whole the brigade commanded by General Muhlenberg 
was advanced to a convenient position. 

The troops marched during the evening of the 15th 
of July from Sandy Beach to Stony Point, a distance 
of nearly fourteen miles, over country roads so ex- 
ceedingly bad and narrow that for a large part of the 
distance they were obliged to move in Indian file. 
They formed in half-platoons at the bottom of the 
hill, each column preceded by a detachment of one 
hundred and fifty men, and that again by the " forlorn 


hope," consisting of twenty men, as a vanguard. These 
two " forlorn hopes" were led by two young Pennsyl- 
vania lieutenants, that on the right being in charge 
of Lieutenant Knox of the Ninth Regiment, and that 
on the left in command of Lieutenant Gibbons of the 
Sixth ; Major Jack Steward of Maryland commanded 
the advanced guard on the left. Colonel Fleury on the 
right, where Wayne in person directed the column, 
" spear in hand," Major Murfrees being in the centre. 
This was their formation close by the foot of the hill at 
half-past eleven o'clock, when, silent but determined and 
full of ardor and enterprise, they prepared to undertake 
the most perilous feat of the war. At that time Wayne 
went to a house close by. While they were preparing 
his supper he wrote the following characteristic letter to 
his dear and trusted friend Sharp Delany.^ It is clear 
from its tenor that he did not expect to survive the as- 
sault, but his handwriting is as unshaken, and his faith in 
the cause as triumphant, as if no other sentiment than 
an ardent desire to do his duty to his country without 
regard to consequences stirred him. General Wayne's 
letter probably echoed the feeling of all under him. 

Springsteel's 1 1 o'clock p.m. 

15 July 1779, near the 

hour & scene of carnage 

Dear Delany, — This will not meet your eye until the writer is no 
more. The enclosed papers I commit [in their rough state] to your 
charge that in case any ungenerous reflections may hereafter drop 
from illiberal minds my friend may be enabled to defend the Charac- 

' Delany was not Wayne's brother-in-law, as Mr. Dawson says. 
He had married the sister of Colonel Robinson, whose wife and 
Wayne's wife were sisters. 


ter & Support the honor of the man who loved him, & who fell in 
the defence of his Country and of the rights of mankind. 

You have often heard me default the Supineness & unworthy tor- 
pidity into which Congress were lulled and that it was my opinion 
that this would be a Sanguinary Campaign in which many of the 
choicest Spirits and much of the best blood in America would be 
lost owing to the parsimony and neglect of Congress. 

If ever any prediction was true it is this, and if ever a great and 
good man was Surrounded with a choice of difficulties it is General 
Washington. I fear the Consequences, & See clearly that he will be 
impelled to make other attempts and Efforts to save his Country 
that his numbers will not be adequate to, and that he also may fall a 
Sacrifice to the folly & parsimony of our worthy rulers. 

I know that friendship will induce you to attend to the education 
of my little son & daughter. I fear that their mother will not survive 
this Stroke. Do go to her & tell her her Children claim her kindest 
offices & protection. 

My best and Sincerest wishes to Mrs Delany & family and to all 
friends. I am called to Sup, but where to breakfast, either within 
the enemy's lines in triumph or in the other World ! Then fare- 
well my best and dearest friend and believe me to the last moment 

Yours most Sincerely 

Anth'y Wayne. 

At half-past eleven the word to advance was given ; 
the right column diverged to the south for the purpose 
of passing the swamp and reaching the beach at the foot 
of the hill, and at the same time the left, under Colo- 
nel Butler, crossed the creek for the purpose of seizing 
the post of a picket of the enemy and assaulting the 
right flank of the fortification. Major Murfrees, between 
these two columns, advanced up the slope. The right, 
or column led by General Wayne in person, was obliged, 
in order to reach the abatis, to wade through water two 
feet deep, and this somewhat delayed the movement. 
Meantime, Murfrees began, as a feint, a tremendous 



firing of musketry. This, of course, aroused the garri- 
son, who in a very short time were at their stations, 
striving to repel the assault with grape and musketry. 
This was the crisis of dang-er for the assailants. The 
forlorn hope of each column rushed forward to perform 
the duty assigned to it, that of cutting away the abatis 
and removing the obstructions which stood in the way 
of the advance of their comrades. So fierce and terri- 
ble was the fight at this point that of the twenty men 
detailed for this service on the left under Lieutenant 
Gibbons seventeen were killed or wounded in the 

It is significant of the kind of duty which these men 
performed in this night's work that they should have 
been called " the forlorn hope." Yet such was the 
martial ardor which animated those who were engfaofed 
in the expedition, and such was the ambition on the part 
of the subaltern officers to reach distinction by lead- 
ing the party which should force this " imminent deadly 
breach," that it was necessary to select its leader by lot, 
so numerous were the applicants who aspired to the 
honor of the command. 

The double row of abatis on the right seems to have 
been more readily disposed of than that on the left, 
where, as we have seen, resistance was overcome only 
after a terrible slaughter. 

The first abatis was turned by the column of Colo- 
nel Febiger moving along the beach under the imme- 
diate direction of General Wayne, "spear in hand." 
Just as the column had climbed over this obstruction, 
a musket-shot coming from a body of men on the hill 
above, who were taunting the assailants and shouting 


imprecations on " the rebels" as they advanced, struck 
General Wayne, and inflicted a scalp-wound about 
two inches long. He immediately fell, and was for a 
short time dazed and stunned. Quickly recovering his 
senses, however, he raised himself on one knee and 
shouted, "Forward, my brave fellows, forward!" and 
then, turning to his aides-de-camp, Captains Fishbourne 
and Archer, he begged them to carry him to the interior 
of the fort, where he wished to die should his wound 
prove mortal. The men, hearing that their commander 
had been mortally wounded, dashed forward, climbing 
the rocks with bayonets ready to charge, and bore 
down all further opposition. Colonel Fleury, who led 
the right column, soon reached the flag-staff on the 
bastion and hauled down the English standard. He 
was the first to enter the fort, and he was quickly fol- 
lowed by two sergeants of the Virginia and one of the 
Pennsylvania regiments, all of whom had been severely 
wounded. So accurately had the movement for storm- 
ing the works been timed, and so perfectly had the 
plans and orders been carried out, that both columns 
of assault, as well as Major Murfrees's two companies, 
met almost at the same time in the interior of the fort. 
They encountered, as they advanced, a persistent fire 
of grape and musketry. Not a shot was fired by the 
assailants (except by the men of Murfrees's companies, 
whose firing was intended as a feint). All those killed 
by the Americans, and they amounted to sixty-three 
(the same number as had been killed by General Grey 
at the so-called Paoli massacre), were despatched by 
the bayonet. As soon as the attacking columns met 
each other in the fort, Colonel Fleury, feeling that 


resistance was at an end, shouted, in broken English, 
"The fort is ours!" the watchword previously agreed 
upon. The surrender of the fort was announced to 
Washington in the following note : 

Stony Point, 16 July 2 a.m. 
Dear Gen'l, — The fort & garrison with Col. Johnston are ours. 
Our officers & men behaved like men who are determined to be free. 

Yours most sincerely, 

Anth'y Wayne. 
Gen'l Washington. 

The triumphant shout of the advancing party was 
taken up by the troops as they rushed on, crushing all 
hope of resistance on the part of the garrison. With 
this shout were mingled the cries of the soldiers, espe- 
cially of the New York Loyalists, who a short half-hour 
before had defied their assailants to come on, " Mercy, 
dear Americans, mercy !" Although no such cry had 
been heeded at Paoli, Wayne made use of his return- 
ing strength to stay the arm of vengeance as soon as 
resistance had ceased. It is said that not a man was 
killed who begged for quarter. No time, of course, 
was lost in turning the cannon at Stony Point on Ver- 
planck's and on the ships in the river. Two flags and 
two standards were captured, the latter those of the 
Seventeenth Regiment. The total number of prisoners 
taken at Stony Point was five hundred and forty-three, 
and the number of the English killed was sixty-three : 
that of their wounded is not given. The American 
loss was fifteen non-commissioned officers and privates 
killed, and eighty-three officers and privates wounded. 
It is worth remarking that General Wayne in his official 
report makes no mention of his wound. 


Although the capture of the fort was a surprise 
to friend and enemy ahke, its commander, Colonel 
Johnston, always insisted that he had not been taken 
by surprise, but that every man was at his post when 
the assault was made. The more glory for the as- 

The successful attack upon Stony Point by General 
Wayne made a prodigious sensation throughout the 
country, and congratulations poured in upon him from 
every quarter. People seemed at a loss which most to 
admire, the extreme brilliancy of the courage which 
had led him to undertake so perilous a feat as the 
assault on Stony Point, the perfect coolness and self- 
command which he had exhibited when conducting it, 
the skill with which every detail, even the most minute, 
had been arranged, or the accuracy with which every 
part of his plan seemed fitted to the rest. The per- 
fect success which had attended the whole business, the 
proofs which he had given of the possession of that 
fine temper of the true patriot, who counts as nothing 
personal danger if by exposing himself to it he can 
serve his country, — from whatever side this exploit was 
viewed it was regarded, amidst much that was calcu- 
lated at that time to depress and discourage those who 
loved their country, as a unique proof that that country 
still possessed some men among her soldiers whose 
ideal was knightly valor. The immediate material gain 
by the possession of Stony Point was insignificant, for 
the post was a short time afterwards abandoned, but its 
moral effect in strengthening the tone of public feeling 
and the army was incalculable. 

The congratulations partook of the character of the 


men who sent them, but there was a universal chorus 
of joy and praise. On the i6th of July Washington 
issued a general order "congratulating the army on the 
success of the troops under General Wayne, who last 
night, with the Corps of Light Infantry, surprised and 
took the enemy's post at Stony Point with the whole 
garrison." On the 2 1st of July, in his despatch to Con- 
gress, the general-in-chlef says, "To the encomiums he 
[General Wayne] has deservedly bestowed upon the 
officers and men under his command, it gives me pleas- 
ure to add that his own conduct through the whole of 
this arduous enterprise merits the warmest approba- 
tion of Congress. He improved upon the plan recom- 
mended by me, and executed it in a manner that does 
signal honor to his judgment and bravery. In a criti- 
cal moment of the assault he received a flesh wound in 
the head with a musket ball, but continued leading on 
his men with unshaken firmness." 

Congress immediately on receipt of the news of the 
capture of Stony Point adopted unanimously resolu- 
tions thanking General Wayne for his brave, prudent, 
and soldierly conduct, including in its thanks all Wayne's 
forces, specifying particularly Colonel Fleury and Major 
Steward, Lieutenants Gibbons and Knox, and Mr. 
Archer, an aide-de-camp to the general, and commend- 
ing the coolness, discipline, and intrepidity exhibited 
by the troops on the occasion. It was ordered that a 
gold medal commemorative of his gallant conduct should 
be presented to General Wayne, and silver medals to 
Colonel Fleury and Major Steward respectively, and 
that Messrs. Gibbons, Knox, and Archer should be 
appointed captains in the army by brevet. His old 






























commander, General Schuyler, wrote to him, " It is not 
the least part of my satisfaction to learn that you con- 
ducted the expedition, and I most sincerely congratu- 
late you on the increase of honor which you have 
acquired." General St. Clair, whose relations with 
Wayne were, as we have seen, somewhat strained, sent 
him his " cordial congratulations." " It is an event that 
makes a very great alteration in the situation of affairs, 
and must have important consequences, and more 
glorious from its being effected with little loss. It is, 
in short, the completest surprise I ever heard of." 
Even his old enemy Charles Lee, who had ventured, as 
Wayne supposed, to doubt his conduct and bravery at 
Monmouth, and had in consequence been challenged 
by Wayne to fight a duel, which was yet in suspense, 
spoke the genuine feeling of his heart when he wrote, 
"I do most sincerely declare that your action in the 
assault of Stony Point is not only the most brilliant, in 
my opinion, through the whole course of this war on 
either side, but that it is one of the most brilliant I am 
acquainted with in history, — upon my soul, the assault 
of Schweidnitz by Marshal Laudon I think inferior to 
it. I wish you, therefore, most sincerely, joy of the 
laurels you have so deservedly acquired, and that you 
may long live to wear them." To the same effect wrote 
Generals Greene, Gates, and La Fayette. Indeed, this 
is one of the few actions of eclat in military history con- 
cerning which popular opinion and professional opinion 
coincided. No adverse criticism was ever made in the 
army on the conduct of General Wayne in the storming 
of Stony Point. 

The voice of his friends and of the public outside 


the army was loud in praise of his gallant conduct. 
Dr. Rush wrote to him, "There was but one thinor 
wanting in your late successful attack upon Stony Point 
to complete your happiness, and that is — the wound 
you received should have affected your hearing, — for 
I fear you will be stunned through those organs with 
your own praises." Sharp Delany, to whom the gen- 
eral had announced his probable death in the assault on 
the fort, sends him "the sincere congratulations of a 
friend on your safety and success. They go to you with 
ten-fold pleasure as I know you are determined on 
every opportunity to raise the reputation of your coun- 
try's arms. I know you are determined to do this with- 
out any thought of self, and therefore fear much for 
my friend. . . . Every heart here is filled with a due 
sense of your bravery and the service you have done 
your country." The President of Pennsylvania, General 
Reed, wrote him a private note in which he says, " It is 
not the Surprise of a post or the Capture of 500 men 
which pleases me so much as the manner and the ad- 
dress with which it has been executed. You have played 
their own game upon them, and eclipsed the glory of 
the English bayonet of which we have heard so much." 
The Assembly of Pennsylvania, even if it had been 
somewhat unmindful of the wants of its own troops, 
claimed a share in the glory which they and their 
leader had achieved. It will be observed how warmly 
it praised their humanity. 

In General Assembly of Penn'a. 

October lo, 1779. 
Resolved, That the thanks of this House be given to General 
Wayne and to the Officers & Soldiers of the Penn'a line for the 


courage & conduct displayed by them in the attack on Stony Point, 
the honor they have reflected on the State to which they belong, the 
Clemency they showed to those in their power in a Situation, when 
by the laws of war, & Stimulated by resentment occasioned by the 
remembrance of a former Massacre, they would have been justified 
in putting to death every one of the garrison, will transmit their 
names with honor to the latest posterity & show that true bravery 
& humanity are inseparable. 

Unanimously confirmed by the Supreme Executive Council. 

Gerard, the French Minister, writes on 27th July, 1 779, 
to Steuben, " Nothing in my opinion is more just, my 
dear Baron, than the eulogy you bestow upon the ex- 
pedition against Stony Point. Plan, Execution, Cour- 
age, discipline, Address, energy, in short the most rare 
qualities were found united there, and I am convinced 
that the Action will much elevate the ideas of Europe 
about the military qualities of the Americans. I have 
sent an express to Baltimore to look out for a vessel 
which may immediately carry the news to France. As 
to General Wayne I believe we both entertain the same 
opinion of him." 

General Greene writes on the same day to his wife 
that " Steuben thought that this gallant action would 
fix the character of the commanding officer in any part 
of the world." 

The surprise of many people outside the garrison at 
Stony Point at its capture was almost as great as that 
of the garrison itself, although of a different kind. 
Both in and out of the army there had always been 
an impression produced by such men as Charles Lee 
and Gates that American soldiers were totally unfit to 
cope in the open field with an equal number of trained 
and disciplined English troops, and with still less hope 


of success when they were behind intrenchments. It 
will be remembered that in the previous year, just be- 
fore the battle at Monmouth, fifteen general officers 
out of seventeen gave it as their opinion in a council 
of war that it would not be safe to attack the retreat- 
ing British army, and that it should be permitted to 
escape with its long baggage-train without molestation. 
Neither Washington nor Wayne held this opinion, and 
the battle of Monmouth proved that they were right, 
and that the army that fought there was a totally differ- 
ent body from what It had been before its instruction 
in tactics by Von Steuben at Valley Forge. Still, there 
were many doubters, and probably no general officer 
could have been found at that time save Wayne who 
would have undertaken with any hope of success the 
perilous enterprise of capturing the enemy in his 
stronghold. The assault on Stony Point was an opera- 
tion which every one admitted required for its success- 
ful achievement on the part of the assailants qualities 
of discipline and valor far greater than those needed 
in ordinary military operations. Wayne, however, as 
he was in the habit of saying, " knew his soldiers, and 
they knew him," and nothing which soldiers had ever 
achieved seemed to them too formidable for him to un- 
dertake with a good hope of success. The result was, 
as we have seen, the success of an enterprise more 
bold in its conception and more dangerous in its exe- 
cution than any which had been hitherto undertaken 
on this continent. The history of the scaling of the 
Heights of Abraham by Wolfe has been consecrated 
in British song and story, and Wolfe has a most con- 
spicuous shrine in the Valhalla as one of the great 


heroes of the EngHsh race, and yet what in pohit 
of difficuhy and danger were the climbing of those 
heights and the subsequent capture of Quebec to a 
night assault on the garrison at Stony Point without 
the use of fire-arms, that garrison being protected by 
redoubts and earthworks and defending themselves 
by musketry and a formidable artillery ? No wonder 
that Washington told Wayne, when he was about to 
embark on this enterprise, that in such an extremity 
"success depended not so much upon the numbers as 
upon the fortitude of the men." 

The great condition of success on such occasions, as 
we have said, is a union of discipline and valor. Such 
a combination has always been the ideal of the highest 
military efficiency, and it has been reached in other 
armies by incentives to action quite different from those 
which controlled the soldiers of the Revolution. We 
do not, of course, mean the blind obedience which is 
the result of a stern discipline, and which moulds men 
into mere machines for executing the orders of their 
leader, whatever those orders may be. In modern times 
motives of a different kind appeal to the martial instincts 
of the soldier. Take, for instance, the combat at the 
bridge of Lodi in 1796, as an illustration (to speak 
only of modern times), where the French army, under 
the guidance of Bonaparte, forced the passage of the 
bridge under a murderous fire by the Austrians, which 
threatened the life of every assailant, but where no 
one hesitated for a moment to advance. This has 
always been regarded as a singularly heroic act, and 
much of Napoleon's early prestige was due to his 
having led in the assault at that time. But it must 


not be forgotten that in that day military glory was the 
ambitious dream of every Frenchman. The meanest 
soldier in the Army of Italy was in his own opinion 
and in that of his countrymen a far more important 
personage than the richest banker of Paris. He felt 
and acted in the hour of supreme danger as if he car- 
ried a marshal's baton in his knapsack. So, again, 
take the siege of St. Sebastian in Spain in 1813, where 
the " forlorn hope" of the British army rushed forward 
to meet almost certain destruction while scaling the 
walls of that fortress. When we seek the motive of 
so prodigal and reckless an exposure of life, we recall 
the traditions of heroic deeds illustrating the history of 
certain regiments which were cherished with peculiar 
pride, and which formed a powerful incentive to gallant 
action in the hour of danger. We find in these motives 
the source of a powerful esprit de corps, which has 
driven English soldiers forward where the dancrer of 
death has been greatest, but where all fear has been 
overcome by a thirst for glory in the individual and by 
pride in the reputation of the regiment. Motives such 
as these are familiar in military history as leading to 
great achievements, but none of them seem in any 
degree to have actuated our Revolutionary soldiers, 
although it is possible that some of the officers may 
have been occasionally stimulated by a love of military 
glory. Our soldiers did not form a distinct military 
class, as elsewhere. There were probably few who 
cared for promotion in the army, and still fewer who 
were moved by what may be called professional pride. 
Our soldiers did not come from that class who could 
not find any other employment in life than soldiering ; 


on the contrary, there probably was no private man in 
the ranks who would not have bettered his material con- 
dition by leaving the army. They knew that there could 
be no permanent military establishment here as in other 
countries, with its aristocratic hierarchy, its social pre- 
eminence, and its class ascendency. As citizens they 
would probably have been the first to resist the creation 
of an army like those of other nations, for they knew, 
none better, that, with many noble uses, a standing 
army had been found elsewhere to be the greatest 
danger to that liberty of the citizen for which they were 
contending. Such an exploit as that of Wayne would 
have made him in England a peer with high rank and 
large money rewards, and have given him, in case he 
had fallen, a monument at St. Paul's. Here it did not 
even promote him to be a major-general. The truth 
is, the army was composed of men who were citizens 
before they were soldiers, whose education and habits 
had taught them that they were fighting not for mere 
military distinction and reputation, for which they cared 
little, but for the supremacy of law. Such men had but 
one motive to support them in engaging cheerfully and 
with determination in an enterprise so perilous as the 
attack on Stony Point. This great exploit is to be 
looked upon less as a display of the military genius of 
Wayne or of the intrepidity of his followers than as an 
example of what men who have had none of the train- 
ing of European soldiers, and who are not moved by 
dreams of military glory, can do when called upon to face 
extremest danger under the promptings of sternest duty. 
Many people when they speak of Stony Point re- 
member that the attack upon it was led by a man who 


bore during a portion of the war the name of " Mad 
Anthony,'' and whatever was perilous about the enter- 
prise, and about others of a similar kind In which he was 
engaged, they explain by supposing that their leader 
was a reckless madman. What has been said concern- 
ing Wayne's character and career has been said to 
little purpose if it does not prove that in all his military 
qualities he was directly the opposite to the rash, heed- 
less, and dashing officer whom he Is sometimes repre- 
sented to have been. Without discussing here the ques- 
tion of his military genius and capacity, it may suffice 
to consider how It was regarded by Washington himself. 
We have seen that, although he was only a brigadier- 
general during the war, he was always intrusted by 
Washington with the separate command of a division, 
or of large detachments, on special service of Impor- 
tance. He was always consulted by the general before 
he undertook any such movements, and although Wayne 
differed In opinion very often from the other generals, 
almost always advocating "active" measures while they 
did not think them prudent, Washington never lost 
confidence in him, but always estimated at their true 
value his soldierly qualities ; nor was there ever an 
action in which he was engaged where he was blamed 
for any rash or imprudent movement. He was alert, 
active, vigilant, and these qualities sometimes enabled 
him to snatch victory from the jaws of defeat, when 
those who lacked the energy which stirred his blood 
faltered. When " the war-blast sounded In his ears" 
he was, it is true, eager and impetuous, his whole soul 
absorbed in the work on hand, absolutely fearless of 
personal risk where exposure might bring victory and 


success to his troops, but never foolhardy nor reckless, 
and sparing of the lives of his soldiers in the hour of 
the fiercest battle. " His impetuosity, like that of Paul 
of Tarsus," says Mr. Dawson, "has been mistaken for 
madness by some of those who witnessed its effects, 
but, like the madness of St. Paul, that of Mad Anthony 
Wayne, so called, was only the outpouring of an earn- 
est, an honest, and a philanthropic heart." 

It was also his constant care of his soldiers which 
won their confidence and was the cause of their strong 
attachment to him. It enabled him to bring- the Penn- 
sylvania line, as long as it was treated fairly and 
justly by the State authorities, to a condition of effi- 
ciency and discipline which made it, in his opinion, the 
elite of the army. 

After all, he was not called " Mad Anthony" until 
1 781, and not then because he was recognized as a 
beau sabreur or a dashing dragoon. The way in which 
he happened to gain that sobriquet is a curious illustra- 
tion of the manner in which certain nicknames become 
fastened upon illustrious personages. It seems, ac- 
cording to Mr. Moore, in his Life of Wayne, that one 
"Jemmy the Rover," as he was called, was attached to 
Wayne's camp in the year 1781, and with him originated 
the cognomen of " Mad Anthony." The real name of 
"Jemmy" is not given, but he was an Irishman, and 
regularly enlisted in the Pennsylvania line. He was 
subject to fits of insanity, or at least claimed to be so, 
but probably these were not of a very marked type, for 
he was employed frequently by Wayne as a spy, and he 
always returned from the British lines with correct and 
important information. At times, however, he was noisy 


and troublesome, and on one occasion he was ordered 
to the guard-house. On his way thither he suddenly- 
halted, and asked the sergeant of the guard by whose 
orders he had been arrested. By those of the general, he 
was told. After a few hours he was released, and he 
then inquired whether Anthony (the name he gave Gen- 
eral Wayne) was "mad" (meaning angry) or "in fun" 
when he was placed under arrest. He was told that 
the general was much displeased with his disorderly 
conduct, and that if it occurred again he would not 
only be confined but would receive twenty-nine lashes 
well laid on. " Then," exclaimed Jemmy, " Anthony is 
mad ! Farewell to you ; clear the coast for the Com- 
modore, * Mad Anthony's' friend." 

General Wayne announced to the commander-in- 
chief the capture of Stony Point in the following 
despatch : 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Stony Point, 17th July 1779. 

Sir, — I have now the honor of giving your Excellency a full and 
particular acct of the Reduction of this post by the light troop 
under my Command. 

On the 15th Instant at 12 OClock we took up our line of March 
from Sandy Beach distant about 14 Miles from this place — the roads 
being exceeding bad & narrow & having to pass over high Mountains 
& thro' such deep Morasses and difficult defiles that we were Obliged 
the greatest part of the way to move in single files, — at 8 OClock in 
the evening the van arrived at a Mr. Springsteels within one Mile & 
a half of the enemy's lines & formed into columns as fast as they 
came up agreeable to the Order of Battle herewith transmitted (vide 
Order) — Col'l Febiger's & Col. Meigs's Regiments with Major 
Hull's detatchment formed the Right Column — Col. Butler's Regi- 
ment and Major Murfrees' two Companies the Left. 

The troops remained in this position until several of the principal 


Officers with myself had returned from Reconnoitring the works, — 
at half after Eleven (being the hour fixed on) the whole moved for- 
ward — the van of the Right was composed of One hundred & fifty 
volunteers properly Officered with fixed Bayonets and Unloaded 
Muskets under the Command of Lieut. Col. Fleury preceded by 
twenty picked men headed by a Vigilant Officer to remove the 
Abbatis & Other Obstructions. 

The Van of the Left consisted of One Hundred Volunteers also 
with fixed Bayonets & Unloaded Muskets under the Conduct of 
Major Steward — these were likewise preceded by twenty men under 
a Brave & Determined Officer. 

At 12 OClock the assault was to begin on the Right & left flanks 
of the Enemy's Works & Major Murfrees to amuse them in front, — 
but from the Obstructions thrown in our way & a deep Morass sur- 
rounding their whole front and overflowed by the tide rendering the 
approaches more difficult than at first apprehended, it was about 
twenty minutes after twelve before the assault began — previous to 
which I placed myself at the Head of Febiger's Regiment or Right 
Column & gave the troops the most pointed Orders not to attempt 
to fire, but put their whole dependance on the Bayonet — which was 
most faithfully & Literally Observed, — neither the deep Morass, the 
formidable & double rows of abbatis or the high & strong works in 
front & flank could damp the ardor of the troops — who in the face 
of a most tremendous and Incessant fire of Musketry & from Artil- 
lery loaded with shells & Grape-shot forced their way at the point 
of the Bayonet thro' every Obstacle, — both Columns meeting in the 
Center of the Enemy's works nearly at the same Instant. 

Too much praise cannot be given to Lieut. Colonel Fleury (who 
struck the enemy's standard with his own hand) & to Major Steward 
who Commanded the Advance parties, for their brave & prudent 
Conduct; Colonels Butler Meigs & Febiger conducted themselves 
with that coolness, bravery & perseverance that ever will ensure suc- 
cess. Lieut. Col. Hay was wounded in the thigh bravely fighting at 
the head of his Battalion — I should take up too much of your Ex- 
cellency's time was I to particularise every Individual who deserves 
it for his bravery on this Occasion, however I must acknowledge my- 
self Indebted to Major Lee for the frequent & useful Intelligence he 
gave me & which Contributed much to the success of the enterprise — 



& it's with the greatest pleasure I acknowledge to you that I was sup- 
ported in the attack by all the Officers & soldiers to the utmost of 
my wishes & Return my thanks to the Officers & Privates of Artillery 
for their alertness in turning the Cannon against the enemy's works 
at Verplank's point & their shiping which slipt their Cables and Im- 
mediately droped down the River. 

I should be wanting in gratitude was I to omit mentioning Capt. 
Fishbourn & Mr. Archer my two Aids De Camp, who on every 
Occasion shewed the greatest Intrepidity & Supported me into the 
works after I had received my wound in passing the last Abbatis. — 

Enclosed are Returns of the killed & wounded belonging to the Light 
Corps, as also that of the enemy together with the number of prisoners 
taken, likewise of the Ordnance & Stores found in the Garrison. 

I had forgot to Inform your Excellency that previous to the attack 
I had drawn General Muhlenburg into my rear who with three 
hundred men of his Brigade took post on the opposite side of the 
Marsh, was to be in readiness either to support us, or to cover a Re- 
treat incase of accident & have not the least doubt of his faithfully 
& Effectually executing either had there been an Occasion for it. 

The Humanity of our brave soldiery who scorned to take the lives 
of vanquished foes calling for mercy reflects the highest Honor on them 
& accounts for so few of the Enemy being killed on the occasion. 

I am not fully satisfied with the manner in which I have mentioned 
Lieut. Gibbons of the 6th & Lieut. Knox of the 9th Penns'a Regiment 
the two gentlemen who led the advanced parties of each Column — 
the first had 17 men killed & wounded out of twenty — the latter 
though not quite so unfortunate in that respect was nevertheless 
equally exposed — they both behaved with an Intrepidity & address 
that would have been a Credit to the oldest soldier. 

I have the honor to be with singular Respect, 
•Your Excellency's most Obt. & very 

Hum'l Serv't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

His Excellency 

Gen'l Washington.* 

' The official despatches announcing the capture of Stony Point, ex- 
cept that of Wayne himself, and the correspondence which grew out of 
the events connected witji it, will be found in the Appendix, No. III. 


Arnold's treason, and the revolt of the Pennsyl- 
vania LINE. 

If Wayne had counted upon the Continental com- 
missaries for a more regular and abundant supply of 
food for the Light Infantry Corps than had been pro- 
vided by the State authorities for the troops of the 
Pennsylvania line, he was mistaken in his calculations. 
The curse of maladministration seems to have afflicted 
all those with whom General Wayne had anything to 
do, whether the officials were those of the State or of 
the Continent. Thus, on the 4th of October, 1779, he 
thus writes to the commissary of subsistence: "The 
situation of this corps requires the utmost exertion 
in your department to prevent mutiny and desertion." 
From the answer It seems, among other excuses, that 
the teams were idle, the wagon-master being* absent in 
search of substitutes for those who had deserted ; and 
this not In the wilderness, but in a comparatively 
populous district in the State of New York. 

The numbers of the corps seem to have kept up 
pretty well, however, only twenty-six rank and file and 
fifteen non-commissioned officers having been absent 
on the 15th of October, 1779, — a fact which perhaps 
may be taken to prove how much pride the soldiers 
must have had in belonging to so distinguished a body, 
and how admirable was their discipline. Still, In No- 
vember Wayne Is compelled to complain again of the 

incapacity or neglect of the commissary of the Light 



Corps, as it was at that time destitute of articles es- 
sential to its comfort. In the same month one hun- 
dred and twenty men of his command are reported 
as quite barefoot, and in the latter part of December, 
General Washington having directed that the Virginia 
line should proceed to Philadelphia, in obedience to an 
order of Congress, General Wayne is obliged to reply, 
"Colonel Febiger will march to-morrow at 8 a.m., but 
for want of shoes he must carry a great many of his 
people in wagons." No wonder that in the last order 
issued by General Wayne before disbanding the corps 
and directinof them to return to the "lines" of their 
respective States he should speak of the accumulated 
distress caused by the extremity of cold, hunger, and 
nakedness which had rendered the troops desperate. 
Why it should have been determined to break up 
an organization so distinguished as the Light Infantry 
Corps, after it had rendered such gallant service, at 
the close of one campaign, it is difficult to understand. 
The actioh of Congress in detaching one of its most 
serviceable regiments (the Virginia regiment) may 
have rendered such a step necessary. Be that as it 
may, the officers of the corps parted from Wayne with 
sincere regret and many expressions of their good 
wishes. The officers of the regiment from the Virginia 
line, the field officers of the corps, and those com- 
manding the artillery, as will appear from the following 
letters, joined in expressing their respect and affection 
for their commander. Wayne, as soon as arrange- 
ments for the disbandment of his troops were carried 
out, asked the commander-in-chief (February 4, 1 780) 
to be employed in any capacity he might think proper. 


Second River December 9th 1779. 

Dear Sir, — The Officers of the Virginia Line, who have had the 
honor of being commanded by you in the Light Infantry beg leave 
to return you their sincere Thanks for the Repeated Marks of Esteem 
& Politeness you have express'd towards them. — 

They entertain the highest Veneration & Respect for your Char- 
acter both as a Military Officer and a Gentleman. 

Under these circumstances we feel the greatest Regret especially 
at so short Notice to be separated from a Corps we love and a 
General we honour. — 

Accept therefore Dear Sir these Sentiments of our Esteem, and 
believe us, after wishing you every future happiness, Success & pros- 
perity to be with the most Cordial Affection and Respect 
Your most obedient and Most humble servants. 

At the Request and in Behalf of the V'a officers 

Christian Febiger Colonel. 
The Honorable 

Brigadier General Wayne. 

Light Infantry Camp 
Second River 9th Dec 1779 

Dear Sir, — The approbation of my Conduct by a Corps so 
respectable as the Officers of the Virginia Light Infantry, must In- 
evitably afford the sincerest pleasure ; — that attention which they 
are pleased to attribute to politeness, was the effect of their own 
Merit, which will always Insure the Esteem of the General who has 
the honor to Command them. 

Permit me therefore to return my most grateful thanks to them & 

you for this mark of your Respect, & believe me to be with singular 


Your most obt & very 

Humble Servant 

Ant'y Wayne. 
Col. Febiger 

Comm. of the Virginia Light Infantry. 

Light Infantry Camp Second River 
Dec. 31st 1779. 

Sir, — In behalf of the officers of Artillery I am to assure you 
that it's with the greatest reluctance they view the approaching 


period of a separation from the Command of a General whose 
particular attention, & politeness to them demand their most grateful 
acknowledgments — 

Your conduct, & acknowledged good Character as an officer & 
Gentleman must ever meet with the approbation of those who have 
the honour of serving under you, and altho a separation will now 
take place, yet to look forward, we have a hope that at a future day, 
we shall again be happy enough to meet with that General who we 
are confident will lead us on to glory & crown us with honour 

I am with the Gentlemen of this Corps — 

Very respectfully 

J. Pendleton. 

Officers of the Light Infantry Corps to General Wayne. 

Light Infantry Camp 
At Second River 

Jan'y ist 1780 
Sir, — The close of the Campaign & the dissolution of the Corps 
necessarily calls us from under your immediate Command, & in Jus- 
tice to our own feelings we beg leave to tell you, that our experience 
of your abilities as an Officer has justly gaind you that confidence 
essentially necessary to ensure success in Military operations. The 
uniform politeness & attention you have paid to all, has endeard 
you to every individual under your command; and has in great 
measure been the means of preserving a perfect unanimity & Har- 
mony, seldom seen in a Corps formd by detachments from different 

Be assured, Sir, this does not proceed from the Common motives 
of adulatory address, but is dictated by the warmest Sentiments of 
gratitude, from a Conviction that we are eminently indebted to your 
Care for the Happiness we have enjoyd thro the course of this Cam- 
paign. We are with the Highest Respect esteem and affection 

Your most obd't Hble Servts — 
R. Putnam, Col'l L't I 
Signd at the unan- Rich'd Butler Col'l L't I 

imous request of Albert Chapman Maj'r Com'd 

the Officers in the Jas. Pendleton Cap't 

Light Infantry. Comm. of Light 



Light Infantry Camp Second 
River and Jan. 1780. 

Gentlemen, — The pleasure I experience in your approbation of 
my Conduct, gives a sensation which words can not express — the 
unanimity, Mutual Confidence & friendship which (at this period 
of the War) so conspicuously pervades a Corps, formed by Detach- 
ments from different States, must produce a conviction to the World, 
that we are not to be Conquered, by any Idle notion of a Disunion, 
— nor forced from the field, but by superior numbers. 

The esteem & affection which you are pleased to express for me, 
is truly Reciprocal & it's with sincere pleasure I acknowledge that 
by your good Conduct & example this Corps has acquired the Dis- 
tinction it now holds. 

The Dissolution of a body of troops with which I have enjoyed so 
great a share of happiness, would give me much pain, was I not 
confident that those sentiments which have so firmly united the 
American Light Infantry (whilst embodied) will not diminish by a 
temporary separation. 

Permit me therefore to wish you an easy and pleasant March, & a 
joyful meeting with your friends & brother Officers in the Line of 
the Army, & to assure you that I am with much Esteem 

Your most Ob't 
& very 

Hum'l Servt. 
Ant'y Wayne. 

Colonels Putnam & Butler 

Major Chapman 

Capt. Pendleton & the 

other Officers of the 

Light Corps. 

Wayne at once returned to his home In Chester 
County, but on the opening- of the campaign of 1780 
(on the 1 8th of May) Washington wrote to him, "I 
shall be very happy to see you at camp again, and 
hope you will, without hesitation, resume your com- 
mand In the Penn'a line." Wayne rejoined the army 


in a few days at Morristown, his movements being prob- 
ably quickened by a letter from Colonel Johnston from 
camp of the 7th of May. In this letter Johnston says, 
"Shall I endeavor to paint the manifold sufferings of 
the honest soldiery, the distresses of the officers, the 
wounded feelings of our illustrious General, and the 
complicated misfortunes attending our country in con- 
sequence of the state of our finances ?" 

At this time Sir Henry Clinton had returned from 
the South, and was enlisting Tory refugees with a view 
of capturing the military stores deposited at Morristown. 
Washington moved towards the Highlands, fearing that 
the expedition might be intended to capture the strong- 
holds there. The regular force of the British at New 
York was twelve thousand men, in addition to which 
they had armed about four thousand refugees. The 
American army at the same time was less than three 
thousand in number. The British advanced to Spring- 
field, in New Jersey, which they burned, but retreated 
to their post at Elizabethtown before Wayne, who had 
been detached with a brigade to harass them, could 
reach them. 

The campaign of 1 780 began under conditions even 
more gloomy and discouraging than that of 1779. The 
Pennsylvania troops had dwindled away in the most 
extraordinary manner. By the monthly return of Sep- 
tember, 17S0, there were present in the eleven regi- 
ments of foot two thousand and five and absent two 
thousand five hundred and eleven ; in other words, 
more than one-half of their strength was not present 
with the colors, and those who were present formed 
about two-thirds of Washington's army. With this 


small force he was obliged to march and countermarch 
between Morristown and West Point, so as to meet 
any assault which might be made by the British at New 
York on any point of this long line. 

It was apparent that the difficulty with which we had 
to contend in achieving our independence was mainly 
a financial one, and that the true path out of the slough 
of despond into which we had been plunged was not yet 
discovered. One of Wayne's correspondents, writing 
in October, evidently thought that the crisis was at 
hand. He says he " met Steuben at President Reed's, 
and he thought that the whole army would dissolve by 
the first of January unless specie could be obtained." 
Wayne recommended the extraordinary step of sug- 
gesting to France that unless she provided specie we 
should be obliged to give up the contest. " Money," 
he says, " is now out of the question. The soldiers 
have not seen a single paper dollar for a long time." 

General Washington writes about this time to Hon. 
Joseph Jones, — 

** It does not require with you, I am sure, argument at this late 
hour to prove that there is no set of men in the United States (con- 
sidered as a body) that have made the same sacrifices of their interest 
in the support of the common cause as the officers of the American 
army — that nothing but a love of their country, of honor, and a 
desire of seeing their labors crowned with success could possibly 
induce them to continue one moment in the service, that no officer 
can live upon his pay, that hundreds, having spent their little all in 
addition to their scanty public allowance, have resigned because they 
could no longer support themselves as officers, that numbers are, at 
this moment, rendered unfit for duty for want of clothing, while the 
rest are wasting their property and some of them verging fast to the 
gulph of poverty and distress. — 

" Tappan, August 13, 1780." 


The soldiers had hoped that the presence of a com- 
mittee of Congress in camp would do something with 
that body to alleviate their sufferings, but they had 
been disappointed. " The army," say the committee 
who visited the camp at the solicitation of Washington 
and Wayne, "was unpaid for five months; it seldom 
had more than six days' provision in advance ; it was 
for a number of days on different occasions without 
meat ; it was destitute of forage ; medical supplies were 
exhausted, and in short every department of the army 
was without money or credit, and the patience of the 
soldiers was on the point of being exhausted." 

In the midst of all these embarrassments the sterling- 
qualities of Wayne's character, not merely as a military 
leader but also as a devoted patriot, became more and 
more conspicuous. Surrounded by men clamorous in 
their complaints that the State had not done its duty 
towards them, and therefore ready to desert their ranks, 
and by officers constantly threatening to resign because 
they were not paid or because they were not satisfied 
with the rank assigned them, he was always ready to 
fight the enemy, if there was any prospect of inflicting 
injury upon them, even while he was engaged in these 
fruitless disputes with the State authorities and with 

It was determined during the summer to capture a 
block-house behind Bergen Heights which had been 
made a place of deposit by the armed refugees of stolen 
horses and other property the spoils of the neighbor- 
hood. Wayne, with the First and Second Pennsyl- 
vania Brigades and four pieces of artillery, was sent 
to attack it. 


The following account of this expedition is given in 
his letter to President Reed : 

ToTOWAY 26th July 1780 
Dear Sir, — You have undoubtedly heard of our four to Bergen — 
but it is a duty which I owe to you, the troops I Commanded & to 
myself, to make you acquainted with the Objects of that expedition 
— least envy, Malice, or the tongue of Slander, should attempt to 
misrepresent that affair — One was to take all the stock out of Bergen 
Neck, to prevent the Enemy from receiving constant supplies from 
the Inhabitants out of that Quarter — and in Case of a siege to secure 
to our own use those Cattle that they would Inevitably carry into 
New York. Another was the destruction of a post near Bulls ferry 
— consisting of a Block House surrounded by a strong stockade and 
Abbattis Garrisoned by the Refugees & a wretched banditti of Rob- 
bers horse thieves &c — 

But the Grand Object was to draw the Army which S'r Henry 
Clinton brought from Charlestown into an Action in ye Defiles of 
the Mountain in the Vicinity of Fort Lee, where we expected them 
to Land in order to succour the Refugee post, or to endeavour to 
cut off our retreat to the Liberty pole & New Bridge ; the apparent 
object to them was great, and the /ure had like to take the wished 
effect — three thousand men Consisting of the flower of the British 
Army were embarked from Phillips — and stood down the river 
hovering off the land'g near fort Lee — where the 6th & 7th Penns'a 
Regiments lay concealed with directions to let them land unmolested 
(giving me Intelligence of the attempt) & then to meet them in the 
Gorge of the Defile and with the point of the Bayonet to dispute 
the pass at every expense of Blood, until the arrival of the first & 
second Penns'a Brigades when we should put them between three 
such fires as no human fortitude could withstand — and I may now 
with safety mention, that it was also designed to divert their atten- 
tion from a meditated attempt upon Rhode Island, by a Combined 
attack by Land and Water on the French fleet & Army in that 
Place ; this has had the effect, by retarding them four days after 
they had actually embarked upwards of six thousand men for that 
purpose it will therefore be too late to attempt any thing at this 
period as the French will be prepared against it — 


Inclosed is the orders of the 20th & 23d, to which & to the 
General's Letter to Congress I must refer you for the particulars; I 
always had the highest Opinion of the Troop but my most sanguine 
wishes — fell far short of the real fortitude & bravery, which per- 
vades the whole, even the New Recruits — 

I have it in Command from his Excellency to Inform you, that 
the Uniforms are all blue faced with white he therefore wishes if 
possible to have as much red or scarlet, sent Immediately on as will 
face our soldiers Coats — otherwise the officers & men will appear of 
different Corps — (the facings of the officers scarlet, and the soldiers 
white) — the other States will be in their proper uniforms it being 
that fixed for the Eastern States, and with a little clay may be made 
to appear as buff, which is the facings of New York & Jersey States 
so that ours will be the only officers whose uniforms will differ from 
their soldiers — had we the Cloth and Thread, we could in four days 
alter the facings for the whole line — it is the General's Intention 
to Clothe them all new before they meet the troops of France — In- 
terim believe me with singular Esteem 

Your most Ob't — 
Humb'e Servant 

Ant'y Wayne. 

His Excellency 
Joseph Reed Esq'r. 

President Reed to General Wayne. 

Philad — Aug. 4 — 1780 

Dear Sir, — I duly received & thank you for your favour of the 
26th July inclosing your Orders on the late Excursion to Bergens — 
They have been spoken of here much to your Honour & with the 
gallant Behaviour of the Men shew that tho we did not meet with 
entire success we deserved it — 

Neither the Object of the Expedition, nor the Conduct of it was 
understood fully here at first & as often happens on such Occasions 
were misrepresented but a few Days & better Information soon set 
that Matter right — if any Doubts had remained the General's Letter 
wiped them off tho in some Respects it tended to make the Affair 
of the Block House a more important Business than it really was — 
As to the Whispers of Envy & Malevolence & Slander, you must, 


my dear Sir, submit in common with your Fellow Men to a share 
of them, as the Tax which merit & Distinction must pay — The 
World would be too estimable if every Action was judged upon the 
Principles of Candor & its due Worth assigned it unalloyed by 
jealousy & Uncharitableness — 

In one Respect military Merit is less subject to it than any other 
— as it has Witnesses & Companions & the Benefits arising to Man- 
kind from a conspicuous Display of it are such that the World is 
ready to be its Friend for its own Interest. Should you be called 
as probably you may to any distinguished Rank of Civil Life you 
will find the Acts of busy wicked men more successful, & not so 
easily Detected or parried. — Scarce a Week elapses but some wicked 
Falsehood takes Wing with Respect to us, flutters about and dies — 
when a new one more palatable & adapted to the State of the Day 
arises which in its Turn gives way to a fresher. For a Time I felt 
myself hurt & spent Time & Labour to counteract them but I have 
long since learned that the best shield is Integrity & truest Remedy 
Patience. I am informed that there has been much Industry used 
this Spring & Summer in Camp on this Score & that it is very 
frequent at this Time — So much Pains taken to lessen me in the 
Opinion of Mankind while I am pursuing diligently the Interests of 
my Country with a single disinterested View to its success in this 
great Cause, fully convinces me that there are some Men who have 
different Intentions & who fear honest Men in publick Stations — 
I have at different Periods had my Passions work'd upon, my In- 
terest assailed, splendid Prospects held forth to engage me in the 
Views of Party & I never experienced the full Weight of Enmity 
till I had fully declined every Overture of this Nature in such a 
Manner as left no Hope of Success — 

However I trust there is Virtue & Discernment in the World 
sufficient to support a Man in doing his duty & that I have some 
Friends who will judge upon Facts not upon Suggestions especially 
when they come thro so corrupt a Channel. 

Farmer has Directions to purchase the red Cloth for the Facings 
if to be had in Town & they will be forwarded as soon as possible 
— Lyttle has set out with a supply of stores «Sc a good Stock of Shirts 
& Overalls — 2000 of each which with what gets to you in other 
Directions will I hope prove a comfortable supply — 


Adieu — my best wishes attend you & I beg you to believe me 
very much 

Your sincere Friend & Obed. 
Hble Serv't 

Jos. Reed — 

The enemy asserted that the Americans had been re- 
pulsed from the block-house by a small garrison com- 
posed of Tory refugees only, and in some scurrilous 
verses called "The Cow-Chase," which were widely 
distributed, written by the unfortunate Major Andre a 
short time before his capture and execution, the exploits 
of Wayne and the other American officers are ridiculed 
with a kind of pitying contempt which is very note- 
worthy. Wayne, whose activity as a successful forager 
in New Jersey in the winter of 1778 the enemy could 
never forget, and his officers, were lampooned in a way 
which betokened the arrogance of the British in treating 
their antagonists as men of inferior social condition. 

"The Cow-Chase" closes with this significant verse, 
— significant indeed, when we recall the sad fate of the 
author : 

"And now I've closed my epic strain, 

I tremble as I show it, 
Lest this same warrior-drover, Wayne, 

Should ever catch the poet." 

The English government thought the defence of the 
block-house so noteworthy that the king sent his per- 
sonal thanks to the seventy refugees who composed 
that garrison. The enemy, according to Wayne, did 
not discern the real object of the attack, and he ex- 
plained the mystery in the letter to President Reed 
which we have just given. 


General Wayne during the whole summer was un- 
tiring in preparing plans for engaging the enemy to 
advantage. He was not disheartened by the sea of 
troubles which raged around him, but rather stimulated 
to adopt new methods of improving the military situa- 
tion. On the loth of July he proposes a scheme by 
which the British army at New York might be taken 
by surprise, and shortly afterwards he writes to Presi- 
dent Reed one of the wisest, most temperate, and at 
the same time most determined letters in the whole 
correspondence, urging the necessity of renewed efforts 
on the part of Pennsylvania to carry on the conflict. 
It seemed as if the greater the danger the greater his 
resources, and that he was at his best when the fullest 
demand was made on his courage and energy. 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Camp at Totoway loth July 1780. 

Sir, — It was but the evening before the last that I had the honor 
of first seeing the General state of affairs your Excellency was 
pleased to lay before the Council of War on the 6th ultimo — which 
I have given as mature a consideration as time & Circumstances 
would admit of. 

I find by a comparative view of our present force with that of the 
Enemy, after making proper allowances, for the change of affairs, 
by the reduction of Charlestown, & the reinforcements already 
arrived at New York under Sir Harry Clinton that they have a de- 
cided majority in their favor, the force of the enemy being nearly 
11,000 effective rank & file regular troops, & about five thousand 
Militia refugees & etc etc in the whole equal to 16,000 Effectives 
exclusive of Marines & seamen. 

The present strength of your army taking in the Garrison of West 
Point is not more than 7,000 rank & file being reduced (by killed 
& wounded, expiration of Inlistments, desertion, & other Casualties 
incident to all armies) at least 1000 men since your last estimate — 


so that Sir Harry Clinton has at this period in New York & its 
vicinity a Land force more than Double your Numbers. 

In this estimate I have not taken in any of tlie recruits or Drafts 
that are expected from the several States — but from the best Intelli- 
gence that I have been able to collect the number that may be ex- 
pected under that description as a reinforcement to this Army, will 
not exceed 7,000 men. 

I ground this Calculation on the following proportion viz. 

New Hampshire 5°° 

Massachusetts 2500 

Rhode Island 300 

Connecticut 1 500 

New York 600 

New Jersey 600 

Penns'a 600 

Delaware 200 

A very great part of which will be extremely raw troops, & arrive 
too late to afford an opportunity to reduce them to proper Discipline 
before they may be called to action — To counterbalance this de- 
fect — the tories refugees & Militia with the Enemy will be nearly on 
a footing in that respect — so that our numbers will then stand as 
14,00c to 16,000 which leave a balance in their favor of 2,000 men 
at least. 

But the assurances that his most Christian Majesty and the Court 
of France have given of their Generous Intention of sending a re- 
spectable Land & Naval force to act in conjunction with your Army 
and entirely under the Influence of American councils, opens the 
most flattering prospect — which by a proper exertion of the States 
may be productive of a Glorious Campaign. 

To what point we ought to direct our Operations, will require 
some reflection, — there are three Capital Objects that present them- 
selves, i. e. Canada, New York, & Charlestown. 

Adinit Canada to be the first, we are then to consider, what force 
will be necessary for us to furnish in addition to the French fleet & 
army adn:iitting the Navy to consist of Eight sail of the Line with 
a few frigates, & the Land force of Seven thousand effective rank & 
file completely provided with all the apparatus for such an Army. — 


This force is not adequate to the Reduction of Quebec and its de- 
pendencies without the addition of at least three or four thousand 
men from this army — & those regular standing troops — who if for- 
tunate would also be necessary to remain in Garrison there during 
the Winter (which could not be expected from the drafts, their time 
of service terminating in January) — these troops must march by the 
Cohoes & enter Canada near the confluence of the Sorel with the St 
Lawrence — ■ The Difficulty of transporting the Cannon provision & 
baggage is too Obvious to dwell much upon, for the Enemy pos- 
sessing the Lake Champlain must reduce us to land carriage for the 
chief part of our supplies, unless the State of our Magazines will 
admit of sending a sufficient supply round by the French fleet — we 
are not to expect the Essential article of Provision in Canada, — for 
altho' they raise a Considerable quantity of summer wheat — there 
are not a sufficiency of Mills in that Country to manufacture it into 
flour nor have they more Cattle than what are absolutely necessary for 
their own consumption, — these are facts not founded upon tradition 
or Opinion of others — but from my own knowledge & Observation. 

I beg leave also to premise, that we have little to expect from the 
Defection of the Canadians — those people will be very cautious how 
they irritate a second time the British, whilst matters remain the 
least doubtful — especially whilst a powerful army is in the heart 
of Our own Country, and the probability of the arrival of a Supe- 
rior fleet from Britain to that of France in the vicinity of Quebec — 
during a siege that may be procrastinated longer than we expect. 

The Intervention of a fleet is also a very serious matter to us — I 
well recollect the difficulty we experienced in effecting a retreat from 
that Country in 1776 when we had the full possession of the Lakes ; 
& have we nothing to apprehend from the exertions of Sir Harry 
Clinton? — will he remain an Idle spectator at the head of 16,000 
men, whilst we are Operating in a distant Country? — will he not 
rather push his fortune against a Debilitated army, & endeavor to 
destroy our Magazines, & desolate the Country, — and may he not 
attempt this with too great a probability of Success? 

I am therefore of Opinion that Canada is not the most Eligible 
object ; — some of these reasons, especially the last, will operate in 
full force against an attempt for the recovery of Charlestown, until 
a more favorable opening presents itself. 



The greatest and most capital Object is New York, an Object 
worthy the utmost exertions of America, & which from its central 
position affords an Opportunity of drawing our force to a point with 
the greatest facility, & without those risks & Disagreeable conse- 
quences attendant upon a misfortune either in Canada or Charles 
Town ; — Could the eyes of this country be once opened to its true 
Interest — could the States be roused from the unworthy torpidity 
into which they have sunk — the Reduction of the Garrison of New 
York & its dependencies would not be attended with much diffi- 
culty — but from present appearances I fear our mode of Operation 
will be very circumscribed — as it will in a great degree be governed 
by the Numbers we have in the field. 

Supposing the Drafts & Recruits to have come, & the French 
troops formed a junction with the other part of your Army — we may 
then lay our whole force at about 20,000 Rank & file — this number 
tho' sufficient to prevent an Incursion — will not be equal to an Inves- 
titure. We therefore can't do with less than 12,000 good Militia in 
addition, & those engaged for a Certain term — not subject to a fluc- 
tuation which has too often, — & may again commit us at a very criti- 
cal period, — and even this force will not be adequate to a Complete 
Investiture for unless we had two armies — each superior to the whole 
of our adversaries, — the Enemy by Concentering their force might 
find an opening to strike us in a Divided state which they dare not 
attempt if united. 

I have not such a knowledge of the Country immediately in the 
Vicinity of New York as to justify me in giving a Decided Opinion 
as to the most proper & exact point of attack — that will require a 
minute & close Inspection, — but from the General knowledge I have 
of Staten & Long Islands — & the probable strength we may have at 
the Commencement of our Operations; I don't think either very 
Eligible altho' they may have many real as well as apparent advan- 
tages — which the Intervention of a fleet from Europe might render 
very hazardous in the end. 

I therefore am of Opinion (grounded upon prudential as well as 
Military principles) that we ought to begin our Operations against 
New York Island by the way of [ ] and after Establishing 

ourselves on that Island & securing a safe retreat in case of Acci- 
dent — we may as Circumstances present effect a lodgment on Long 


Island & take such position as will facilitate the reduction of the 
Garrison, by a combined attack from different points after securing 
a proper chain of communication. 

I have given this Opinion on the presumption that our whole force 
will not exceed 30,000 or 32,000 Effectives, — should we fortunately 
reach as high as 40,000 I would advise two approaches to commence 
at the same time, i. e. by the way of [ ] & Staten Island. 

I have only to add that whatever may be your decision — you may 
rest assured of the best services of your Excellency's 

Most Ob't & Very Humb'l Serv't 

Anth'y WAyNE. 
His Excellency 

General Washington. 

General Wayne io President Reed. 

Camp at Steenrapia 
17 Sep 1780 

Sir, — At the commencement of this campaign we had the most 
flattering expectations from the promised succors of his most Chris- 
tian Majesty as well as from the exertions of these States, but the 
intervention of a superior fleet to that of our Allies in these seas, the 
blockade of Brest in which port the second division intended for 
America is shut up, and the tedious delay, and at length total pre- 
vention of operations in the West Indies, together with the recent 
military check we have experienced in South Carolina, and the 
deficiency of promised aid & supplies in the United States have 
materially altered the complexion of aff'airs. 

In this situation I have been called upon to give my opinion in 
writing of what I think the most advisable mode of conduct or 
feasible point of operation — The actual arrival of Sir George 
Rodney with 10 sail of the line at Sandy Hook will when joined by 
Adm'I Arbuthnot be Equal to between 20 & 26 sail, so that the 
forces will be nearly on an equality. Hence we have little reason 
to expect any thing capital taking place — 

Could any period be fixed for the arrival of the second division 
from Brest so as to place our allies in the sovereignty of the seas, 
I should not be at a loss — But as this is only problematical, or 
at most eventual, I must acknowledge that I see but a choice of 


difficulties left to determine upon, among others that of experiencing 
every extreme of distress at this stage of the campaign for the want 
of provisions is of the most alarming nature, and would of itself 
be sufficient to defeat the best plan in the power of a General to 

When I look to a period fast approaching I discern the most 
gloomy prospect, distressing objects presenting themselves — and 
when I consider that the mass of the people who now compose this 
Army will dissolve by the first of January, except a little corps 
enlisted for the war, that they are badly paid and worse fed, I dread 
the consequence, for these melancholy facts may have a fatal influ- 
ence upon their minds when opposed to a well-appointed, puissant 
and desolating Army — Sliould Sir H. Clinton profit by former error, 
and commence the General, and pour like a Deluge upon a naked 
country and once more possess your capital, I have but too much 
ground to dread that by an introduction of civil gov't he would 
find many, very many adherents and perhaps a greater number of 
converts than we at present suspect. 

I know that you are not to learn that the fidelity of some of the 
Southern States is much shaken, and that the great proportion of the 
landed interest in your State would have little objection to submit 
to the former gov't and I can from my own knowledge (but not 
without pain) assure you that the Farmers in this State (New York) 
appear to wish for peace on any terms owing to the mode in which 
we have been necessitated to ration our troops and forage our horses, 
which is truly distressing to them, and affords but a very partial 
relief to us — yet little as it is — it has hitherto prevented the disso- 
lution of this Army — 

I know that a true picture of our situation must be very distress- 
ing to the mind and hurtful to the eye of a gentleman who from 
principle, as well as from his station must be deeply interested in 
the fate of America. Yet it is a duty which as a Citizen and as a 
Soldier I owe to you, to myself, & to my country to show it in its 
true colors, and also to assure you that I am not influenced by any 
apprehensions for my own liberty or Safety. I have fully & deliber- 
ately considered every possible vicissitude of fortune. I know that 
it is not in the power of Britain to subjugate a mind determined to 
be free. Whilst I am master of my own sword, I am governor of my 


own fate. I therefore only fear (but greatly fear) for that of my 
country, and would wish to warn her of her danger and point out 
the only mode that can possibly rescue her from impending ruin. 

We have it yet in our power to remedy & correct former mistakes 
and rise superior to every difficulty and danger. This can only be 
done by a foreign loan, and by a completion of our regiments. 
The Eastern States seem fully convinced of their error, and from 
the best intelligence will exert every power to complete their quotas 
of troops for the war. 

Pennsylvania in this will have greatly the advantage. The levies 
now in camp are enlisting upon trust. While this spirit is up, I 
wish we were provided with some hard cash. This is the time to 
take them. If we wait much longer the termination of their service 
will be so near, that they will begin to watch for the day when 
nothing will induce them to enlist. Add to this that these men are 
now on the spot, that there is no danger of being imposed upon by 
Deserters, that every man we enlist we are sure of, and that they 
have acquired some discipline and adroitness in exercise and ma- 
noeuvring, by the close attention and indefatigable industry of our 
officers, while they still continue to improve with unwearied zeal. 

Very Sincerely 
Ant'y Wayne. 

While beset with these anxieties and embarrassments 
Wayne encountered a new difficulty, or rather a revival 
of an old one. The year before, it will be remembered, 
the officers of the line had been much dissatisfied at the 
appointment made by Congress of Major Macpherson 
as a brevet major. In some way, not now easily to be 
explained, the difficulty was then patched up, but in 
August, 1780, when a new corps of light infantry was 
to be organized, Major Macpherson was transferred 
to it according to his brevet rank. This gave rise to 
serious trouble among the officers of the line, and they 
all threatened to resign their commissions if the ap- 
pointment of Major Macpherson were insisted upon. 


We give the correspondence on this subject between 
Generals Wayne and Irvine with General Washington, 
which is on many accounts interesting. The design of 
forming a new Light Infantry Corps in the summer 
of 1780 was abandoned, and the necessity of settling 
this thorny question was thus evaded. 

Generals Wayne and Irvine to General Washington. 

Tappan, loth August 1780. 

Sir, — It was not until some time after your Excellency was made 
acquainted with the very great dissatisfaction which the Majors of 
the Penns'a line experienced on the appointment of Major Macpher- 
son to a Command in the Light Corps drawn from this state, — that 
we were informed of the address which they presented to you; — the 
moment we discovered the effect that appointment had upon them, 
every means in our power was used to Conciliate matters, — & we 
had a flattering prospect from the nice feelings of Major Macpher- 
son, that an opening would be made (by a voluntary resignation) for 
one of those Gentlemen to supply his place in the Light Corps — 
without hurting the feelings of your Excellency, or entering into 
an Investigation of the propriety or right of Brevets taking a per- 
manent Command in zfull corps — drawn from one State during a 
Campaign. — Upon this Ground we prevailed upon the Majors to 
hold their Commissions for a few days, until the Army was in a 
more fixed state, & to give time for cool reason to govern — hoping 
something might take place in the Interim that would restore har- 
mony & Content, — but the Solemn manner in which we were called 
upon yesterday morning by the Colonels & Lieu't Colonels on this 
Occasion convinced us that the Dissolution of the Line would but 
too probably take place unless the cause could be removed — and 
being requested by them to make a true representation to your Ex- 
cellency of their feelings & Determination, — we were Induced to 
wait on you at 12 O' Clock — yesterday, & to communicate Viva 
Voce — what we had in charge from them. 

We have at your Excellency's request called upon those Officers to 
commit their Objections to writing — this they decline, saying that 
the Majors have already stated them in their address to you, & that 


they are Influenced by the same feelings and will abide the same 
fate as their Majors. 

We shall not attempt to advocate the matter, or to give an Opin- 
ion on the usage or custom of brevet appointments — and altho' an 
office extremely distressing to us — yet it is a duty which we owe to 
your Excellency — to our Country — & to ourselves — to declare, that 
unless some happy event Immediately Intervenes — we do not believe 
it to be in our power to prevent the Resignation of a Corps of Offi- 
cers, who have upon every Occasion produced a Conviction, that 
they are second to none in Esteem & attachment to your Excellency, 
— fidelity to the States, — or prowess in the field. 

Interim we have the Honor to be with every Sentiment of re- 

Your Excellency's 

most Ob't & very 

Humb Servt's 

Ant'y Wayne 
Wm Irvine 
His Excellency 

Gen'l Washington. 

Generals Wayne and Irvine to General Washington. 

Tappan nth Aug't 1780 12 O'clock. 
Sir, — We have this moment received your Excellency's favour of 
this day & shall Immediately communicate it to the Field officers of 
the line — Could our most sanguine wishes prevail — an Immediate 
termination would be put to this alarming affair — 

But we cannot yet flatter ourselves of any happy effects from the 
utmost of our exertion — which rest assured will not be wanting on 
this occasion 

We have the honor to be with singular Esteem 

Your Excellency's 
Most Obed't 

Humble Serv'ts 
Anthony Wayne. 
Wm Irvine. 
(A Copy) 


Generals Wayne and Irvine to the Field Officers of the Pennsylvania 


Tappan 1 2th August 1780 

6 o'clock P.M. 

Gentlemen, — Let us entreat you by the sacred ties of Honor, 
friendship, & Patriotism — well to Consider the measure recom- 
mended by us last evening — & however your feelings may be 
wounded — reflect that ages yet to come may owe their happiness, or 
misery, to the Decision of this hour. — Your own fate is so Involved 
with that of your Country's, that the same cause which hurts the 
one, will mortally wound the other. 

For God's sake, be yourselves — and as a band of Brothers — rise 
superior to every Injury — whether real or Imaginary — at least for 
this Campaign, which probably will produce a Conviction to the 
World — that America owes her freedom to the temporary sacrifice 
you now make. 

You will also reflect that this is a favor solicited by men who 
would bleed to Death, drop by drop, to defend your honor — as well 
as that of your very Affectionate 

Hum'l Serv'ts 

Ant'y Wayne 
Wm Irvine, 

N. B. at all events do not come to a final decision (should it be 
contrary to this requisition) before 7 o' Clock in the morning when 
we may have something to Offer that may meet your Approbation. 

The Field Officers 


Major Macpherson to General Wayne. 

12 August 1780 
Major Macpherson presents his Compliments to General Wayne, 
& informs him, he has considered the matter he mentioned to him 
relative to a separate Command — and thinks it extremely improper 
in him to say a single word on the subject — The only reason that 
prevented him at once declaring himself in this manner was a wish 
before he determined to consider the matter maturely — tho' the same 
opinion struck him at the time the matter was mentioned. 


With respect to the information General Wayne received from 
Col Stuart — Major Macpherson requests he will contradict that 
matter in the Division. — Colonel Stuart — as he informs Major Mac- 
pherson only said it was his opinion that if General St. Clair would 
request Major Macpherson to relinquish his right to the Command 
on the Infantry that he would do it. 

The gloomy campaign of 1 780 was made still gloomier 
at Its close by the memorable treason of Arnold In Sep- 
tember of that year. The details of this attempt (which 
had so well-nigh succeeded) to betray the garrison at 
West Point and Its dependencies into the hands of the 
enemy are too well known to need recapitulation 
here. The part which was taken by General Wayne 
and the Pennsylvania line In defeating this treasonable 
scheme Is not so well known, and some account of it 
should be given in any true story of Its commander's 
life. His division was then stationed near Haverstraw, 
and In those days when there seemed a disposition to 
suspect the loyalty of every one, and when even Arnold 
could prove a traitor, it is satisfactory to find that im- 
plicit trust was placed not only in Wayne, but in the 
men who commanded his regiments, — Chambers, Wal- 
ter Stewart, Craig, W. Butler, Harmar, R. Butler, with 
true and stanch General W. Irvine at their head. On 
their arrival at West Point, " having marched over the 
mountains sixteen miles in four hours without losing 
a man," they were placed by General W^ashlngton in 
charge of the post, he being well assured that they 
would prove its most trustworthy safeguard amidst the 
threatening dangers by which It was surrounded. The 
choice of the Pennsylvania regiments for such a duty 
at such a time has a significance which was very apparent 


at that crisis, but which has been singularly overlooked 
by historians. 

Major-General St. Clair, in command of the Penn- 
sylvania line, was stationed at West Point. On the 
I St of October the troops under his command were the 
Pennsylvania division and Meigs and Livingston's Con- 
tinental regiments. " Unless you think it necessary for 
the immediate security of the post to draw the first 
Penn'a (Wayne's) brigade nearer West Point," says the 
order of Washington, "I should wish it to remain some- 
where in its present position (guarding the Defile), as it 
may then at the same time serve the purpose of rein- 
forcing the main army in case of a movement against 
it. But on the first appearance of the enemy coming in 
force up the River, that Brigade should have previous 
orders to march to your succor." " I was ordered on 
here," says General Irvine, "with my Brigade (2d Penn'a) 
on the alarm that was occasioned by Arnold's villainous 
business. I made a rapid march and found the place 
on my arrival in a most miserable condition in every 
respect. About 1800 militia had been at the Post, but 
were chiefly detached on various pretences. Those who 
remained had not a single place assigned them, nor had 
a single order what to do. I have not heard from 
Head Quarters to-day, but I have reason to believe that 
Major Andre and Smith must be hung." 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Smith's White House 27th Sep'r 1780 
Dear Sir,— 6 OCiock a.m. 

Your letter of yesterday from the Robinson house came to hand 
between 7 & 8 OClock in the Evening. As the troops were much 


fatigued for want of Sleep — no prospect of any more of the enemy 
up the river — & being in possession of & Commanding the pass by 
Storm's, &c towards West Point, with a road in our rear to file off 
our Artillery by Haverstraw forge under the Mountain, Gen'I Irvine 
& myself thought it best to remain in this position until morning — 
or until a move of the Enemy should take place — in the latter case 
to make a rapid move for West Point, sending our Artillery & bag- 
gage by the route already mentioned as soon as the latter should 

I forgot to mention to your Excellency that the ist & 2nd Bri- 
gades marched from Tappan at a moments warning leaving our tents 
standing. Guards & Detachments out, & pushed with rapidity to 
Secure this pass — where it would be in our power to dispute the 
Ground inch by inch — or to proceed to West Point as occasion 
might require, which was effected in as little time as ever so long a 
march was performed in. 

As the wind at present is strong down the river — neither Baggage 
or Guard yet arrived though every moment expected — I shall take 
post at Williams's with the first Brigade & Artillery of the 2nd — 
Gen'I Irvine will move slowly to Storms & wait your further Order 
with regard to the Baggage Waggons horses &c 

The Wind is too high for the boats to make way up the river was 
the baggage even arrived The troops are at present employed in 
working for to day & tomorrow so that no time will be lost until I 
receive your further orders 

I am Your Excellency's Most Ob't HI St 

Ant'y Wayne. 

[To Gen'l Washington.] 

General Wayne to H. A. Sheel. 

Haverstraw near Stoney Point 
2nd Oct'r 1780 

Dear Sheel, — I am confident that the perfidy of Genl. Arnold 
will astonish the multitude — the high rank he bore — the eclat he had 
Obtained (whether honestly or not) Justified the world in giving it 

But there were a few Gentlemen who at a very early period of 
this War became acquainted with his true Character ! — when you 


asked my Opinion of that Officer I gave it freely — & believe you 
thought it rather strongly shaded — 

I think I informed you that I had the most despicable Idea of him 
both as a Gentleman & a Soldier — & that he had produced a con- 
viction on me in 1776 — that honor & true Virtue were Strangers to 
his Soul, and however Contradictory it might appear — that he never 
possessed either fortitude or personal bravery — he was naturally a 
Coward, and never went in the way of Danger but when Stimulated 
by Liquor even to Intoxication, consequently Incapacitated from 
Conducting any Command committed to his charge 

I shall not dwell upon his Military Character or the measures he 
had adopted for the Surrender of West Point — that being already 
fully Elucidated, but will give you a small specimen of his peculate 
talents — 

What think you of his employing Sutlers to retail the publick 
Liquors for his private Emolument, & furnishing his Quarters with 
beds & other furniture by paying for them with Pork, Salt, Flour, 
&c drawn from the Magazines — he has not stopped here — he has de- 
scended much lower — & defrauded the old Veteran Soldiers who 
have bled for their Country in many a well fought field, for more 
than five Campaigns, among others an old Serg't of mine has felt 
his rapacity — by the Industry of this man's wife they had accumu- 
lated something handsome to support them in their advanced age — 
which coming to the knowledge of this cruel spoiler — he borrowed 
4,500 Dollars from the poor Credulous Woman & left her in the 
Lurch. — The dirty — dirty acts which he has been capable of Com- 
mitting beggar all description — and are of such a Nature as would 
cause the hifernals to blush — were they accused with the Invention, 
or execution of them — 

The detached & Debilitated state of the Garrison of West Point — 
Insured success to the assailants — the Enemy were all in perfect 
readiness — for the Enterprize — & the discovery of the treason — only 
prevented — an Immediate attempt by Open force to carry those 
works — which perfidy would have effected the fall of, by a slower & 
less sanguine mode. — Our army was out of protecting distance — the 
troops in the possession of the Works a spiritless Miserabile Valgus 
— in whose hands the fate of America seemed suspended — in this 
Situation His Excellency — (in Imitation of Caesar & his tenth 


Legion) — called for his Veieratis — the Summons arrived at One 
OClock in the morning — & we took up our Line of March at 2 — 
& by sun rise arrived at this place distant from our former Camp 16 
miles — the whole performed in four hours in a dark night — without 
a single halt or a man left behind — • When our approach was 
announced to the General he thought it fabulous — but when con- 
vinced of the reality — he received us like a God — & retiring to take 
a short repose — exclaimed — "All is safe, & I again am happy" — 
May he long — very long Continue so — 

The protection of that Important place is committed to my Con- 
duct until a proper Garrison arrives — I shall not throw myself into 
the Works — but will dispute the Approaches inch by inch and at the 
point of the bayonet, decide the fate of the day in the Gorge of the 
Defiles — at every expense of blood, until death or Victory cries — 
" hold'' — ^^hold" — It is not in our power to Command Success — 
but it is in our power to produce a Conviction to the world that we de- 
serve it — & I trust that whatever may be the Issue, — my Conduct 
will never require the palliation of a friend, or memory cause a blush 
to shade the cheek of any tender acquaintance. Apropo' there is one 
to whom you'i be so Oblig'g as to present my kindest wishes 

Adieu my Dear Sir & believe me 
Yours Most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[To Hugh Sheel, Esq.] 

Hugh A. Sheel to General Wayne. 

Philadelphia Oct. 22, 1780 
My dear General, — Dr. Skinners sudden & unexpected depart- 
ure from this gives me scarcely time to thank you for your obliging 
favor which was delivered to me by Mr. Litell. It made me very 
happy to find that our worthy and illustrious General manifested his 
confidence in you and the Pennsylvania Line by calling on you on 
so critical an occasion as the infernal treachery of Arnold produced 
— the extraordinary march you made invited the applause of all — 
but not the surprise of any who knew you — the character you 
gave me in confidence of Arnold several months ago, made a strong 
impression on my mind — it has been verified fully — his villany 
& machination never cou'd have been carried on, but thro' the 


medium of his Tory acquaintances in this place — & this points out 
the absolute necessity of putting an end to every kind of intercourse 
with disaffected & suspicious characters Female as well Male, & in 
the fullest manner Justifies the resolution entered into & published 
by you, & the other Gentlemen of the Army in this Town, last 
Spring — A very great number of Citizens have adopted the same 
measure & have associated themselves not only for that purpose, 
but for the removal of obnoxious characters out of the State — it is 
opposed by some Gentlemen here — from whom you w'd not expect 
opposition to so necessary a measure. We have been alarmed by 
an acc't of a new piece of treachery in Virginia — a Scotch gen- 
tleman, Mr David Ross of Petersburg, possessed of an immense 
fortune, is now in prison — for holding a correspondence with L'd 
Cornwallis, the Commission of Brigadier Gen'l was granted to him 
& found in his possession, & his dispatches with the Bearer were 
secured — in them were Commissions for the different Officers of a 
Reg't that Ross was to embody — & w'ch He transmitted to L'd 
Cornwallis to sign — it appears that on the arrival of a force ex- 
pected from N : York — He was to arm the convention Troops — No 
other particulars have yet come to hand — but from the number who 
were commission'd it is likely that great discoveries will be made. 
As soon as they are made known I will transmit them to you — as I 
request you may any thing new that occurs in y'r part of the world. 
As Dr. Skinner will give you a full detail of City news, I have but 
to beg you may believe me to be with sincere respect & esteem 

My D'r Sir 

Y'r much Obliged 
& most Obed't Serv't 

H. A. Sheel.* 

Notwithstanding the devoted loyalty and high disci- 
pline which distinguished the Pennsylvania line on this 

^ Hugh Sheel was a native of Ireland, and a physician. He prac- 
tised medicine in Philadelphia towards the end of the Revolution, 
and in 1780 subscribed five thousand pounds to establish the bank 
organized to supply the American army with money needed for 
supplies. He removed to Kentucky, where he was subsequently 
drowned in attempting to cross a river. 


occasion, and which led it to undergo any privation 
in order to defeat the treasonable designs of Arnold, 
these very men were driven a few months later into 
open mutiny, and, desperate in their sufferings, threat- 
ened to march to Philadelphia and coerce Congress to 
yield to their claims and to redress their grievances. 
How is this strange transformation of unshaken fidelity 
to a mutinous spirit to be accounted for? 

It is very evident that a growing feeling of discon- 
tent, which many mistook for disaffection to the cause, 
prevailed in the Pennsylvania line towards the close of 
the year 1 780. This discontent arose from three causes, 
each of them involving an alleged violation of the con- 
tract which the State had made with the soldiers. 
These were, first, the non-payment of the men, or 
rather their payment in a nominal currency far depre- 
ciated beyond what they had agreed to receive ; sec- 
ondly, an insufficient supply of provisions and clothing ; 
and, thirdly, the conviction that it was the intention of 
the authorities to hold all those soldiers who had en- 
listed for three years or the war for the latter period. 
The soldiers complained — and it seems to us, from all 
the testimony accessible, with good reason — that to keep 
them for an indefinite period, subject to all the priva- 
tions from which they suffered, was unjust and wrongful. 
It may be said in palliation of their conduct in taking 
the redress of their grievances into their own hands, 
that their mutinous acts were regarded by them as pro- 
tests against the violation of the contracts made on the 
part of the State when they entered her service. Wayne, 
knowing well how wide-spread was the feeling of dis- 
content among his troops, looked forward to the first of 


the coming January, when the three years' enlistment 
of his men would expire, with ominous apprehension. 
" You may believe me," he writes to Colonel Johnston on 
the 1 6th of December, " that the exertions of the House 
[the Assembly] were never more necessary than at this 
crisis to adopt some effectual mode and immediate plan 
to alleviate the distress of the troops, and to conciliate 
their minds and sweeten their tempers, which are much 
soured by neglect and every extreme of wretchedness 
for want of almost every comfort and necessary of life." 
Again, he writes to President Reed about the same 
time, "Our soldiers are not devoid of reasoning facul- 
ties, nor callous to the first feelings of nature. They 
have now served their country for nearly five years with 
fidelity, poorly clothed, badly fed, and worse paid. I 
have not seen a paper dollar in the way of pay for more 
than twelve months." So Major Church writes, "As 
my time in the service soon expires, I am not entitled 
to draw rations. It is very distressing. I have not a 
farthing of money, nor has the regiment received any 
these fourteen months." 

General Wayne to Colonel Johnston {at Philadelphia). 

Mount Kemble i6th Dec'r 1780 

My dear Col., — I sincerely wish the Ides of Jany was come & 
past — I am not superstitious, but can't help cherishing disagreeable 
Ideas about that period. 

I know that I have the hearts of the soldiery & that my presence 
is absolutely necessary in Camp 

You may believe me my D'r Sir that the exertions of the House 
were never more necessary than at this Crisis to adopt some effectual 
mode & Immediate plan to Alleviate the distress of the Troops & 
to conciliate their minds & sweeten their tempers which are much 


soured by neglect & every extreme of wretchedness for want of 
almost every comfort & necessary of life — 

Had I it in my power to assure them that as a reward for past 
services & their more than Roman Virtue the Hon'ble Assembly 
had given them a solid landed property which might at any time be 
turned into Specie equal or Superior to the nominal debt due them, 
I am confident that we should restore Content & Insure fidelity, on 
the Contrary we have every thing to fear from their Defection, how- 
ever I am Determined to brave the storm & am 

Yours most Affectionately 

Ant'y Wayne. 

Col. Johnston. 

This condition of the army caused the most serious 
apprehensions on the part of the public, and what was 
not done either by the Congressional or by the State 
authorities to afford relief was attempted by private 
enterprise and benevolence in Philadelphia. To relieve 
the wants of the soldiers the Bank of North America 
was established in that city, in the hope that by its 
means money might be raised for their pay ; and the 
women there, headed by Mrs. Reed, the wife of the 
President, and Mrs. Bache, the daughter of Dr. Frank- 
lin, set to work in earnest to procure material, from 
which were made and sent to camp large quantities of 
clothing, — even more needed at that inclement season 
by the soldiers than their pay. But these remedies 
had been delayed too long or were upon too small a 
scale to produce an immediate impression or to pre- 
vent an explosion. Wayne endeavored by stricter re- 
straint and discipline to bring his men completely under 
his control. They complained, and he replied that he 
would much rather be accused of severity than of a 
relaxation of discipline. 



Between nine and ten o'clock on the evening of the 
I St of January, 1781, the men of the Pennsylvania line, 
with few exceptions, rushed from their huts, paraded 
under arms without officers, supplied themselves with 
ammunition and provisions, seized six pieces of artil- 
lery, and took the horses from the general's stables. 
The following letter from General Wayne to General 
Washington presents a striking picture of this frightful 
scene : 

Mount Kemble 2d Jan : 1781 
Half after 4 o'clock A.M. 

Dear General, — It is with pain I now inform your Excellency 
of the general mutiny & defection which suddenly took place in 
the Penn'a line between 9 & 10 o'clock last evening — Every 
possible exertion was used by the officers to suppress it in its rise ; 
but the torrent was too potent to be stemmed. Captain Bitting 
has fallen a victim to his zeal and duty. Captain Tolbert & Lieu- 
tenant White are reported mortally wounded, a very considerable 
number of the field & other officers are much injured by strokes 
from muskets, bayonets & stones, nor have the rioters escaped with 
impunity — Many of their bodies lay under our horses' feet, and 
others will retain with existence the traces of our swords and espon- 
toons. They finally moved from the ground about eleven o'clock 
last night, scouring the grand parade with round & grape shot from 
four field pieces, the troops advancing in solid column with fixed 
bayonets, producing a diffusive fire of musketry in front, flank 
& rear. 

During this horrid scene a i^^ officers with myself were carried 
by the tide to the forks of the road at Mount Kemble, but placing 
ourselves on that leading to Elizabethtown, produced a conviction 
in the soldiery that they could not advance on that route but over 
our dead bodies. They fortunately turned towards Princeton. 

Colonels Butler & Stewart (to whose spirited exertions I am much 
indebted) will accompany me to Vealtown where the troops now 
are. We had our escapes last night — Should we not be equally 
fortunate to-day our friends will have this consolation, that we did 


not commit the honor of the United States or our own on this 
unfortunate occasion. 

Adieu, my dear General, & believe me &c 

Anthony Wayne. 

One of the most curious features of this remarkable 
revolt was the manner in which the so-called mutineers 
treated their officers. There does not seem to have 
been any animosity towards them as such, and force 
was employed by the mutineers only when for their 
purposes it was necessary to disarm them. On Wayne's 
pointing his pistols at them at the beginning of the 
outbreak there were a hundred bayonets at his breast, 
and those who handled them exclaimed, "We love you, 
we respect you, but you are a dead man if you fire. 
Do not mistake us : we are not going to the enemy ; on 
the contrary, were they now to come out you would 
see us fight under your orders with as much resolution 
and alacrity as ever." This disposition of the soldiery 
was confirmed by their permitting the general and Col- 
onels Richard Butler and Walter Stewart to accompany 
them. These officers, at apparently great personal risk, 
remained with the revolters for nearly two weeks, pre- 
venting them from doing further mischief, and acting 
as their mediators with the State and Cono-ressional 
authorities in an effort to bring about a settlement of 
their grievances. During their march to Trenton they 
kept up, according to President Reed, " an astonishing 
regularity and discipline." A great alarm was, of course, 
caused by the march of the revolted troops towards 
Philadelphia, and Congress appointed a committee to 
confer with them, who do not seem to have gone be- 
yond Bristol. The President, with more boldness, met 


them in their camp near Princeton and Hstened to their 
complaints. He was received with a miHtary salute. 
"Their first demand," he says, "was that whoever was 
tired of the service might be discharged." This was 
at once refused. "Their nominal leader was," he tells 
us, "a very poor creature, and very fond of liquor," 
and he seems to think that the extravagance of his 
proposition is to be accounted for in that way. 

After a great deal of peaceful and temperate discus- 
sion between the soldiers and President Reed and 
Vice-President Potter, representing the State, the fol- 
lowing settlement was agreed upon and carried out : 

1. That no soldier shall be retained beyond the 
period of his enlistment, and where it appears that the 
enlistment-paper has not been signed voluntarily the 
man shall be discharged. 

2. In order to settle whether the man enlisted for 
three years or indefinitely for the war, a board shall be 
appointed by the government. 

3. The bounty of one hundred dollars given by 
Congress for re-enlistment shall not be regarded as 
conclusive evidence that the man enlisted for the war. 

4. Auditors to be appointed at once to settle the pay 
of the men. 

5. Clothing to be issued in a few days to all the men 
who are to be discharged. 

6. General amnesty and oblivion. 

On the 29th of January Wayne writes to Washington 
giving an account of the final settlement of the revolt, 
and tells him that out of the two thousand four hun- 
dred men composing the Pennsylvania line the commis- 
sioners of Congress under the above-cited agreement 


had found that twelve hundred and fifty were entitled 
to their discharge. He says, " We shall retain more 
than two-thirds of the troops. The soldiers are as im- 
patient of liberty as they were of service." 

Thus terminated what seemed to the panic-stricken 
people of the time, and perhaps still more so to the 
conscience-stricken legislators in Congress and the As- 
sembly, a most formidable and dangerous revolt. Re- 
duced to its true proportions, it now appears simply as 
a lawless and irreg-ular method of seekinor a redress of 
grievances of an intolerable kind and of long duration, 
the existence of which was recognized on all hands. 
The people in those days felt, owing to their English 
traditions, a wholesome alarm at any appearance of an 
attempt of the military to usurp the powers of the civil 
authorities. Even General Washinofton himself was 
not insensible to the dangers which might result if 
the authority of the troops was not subordinated at all 
times to that of the Legislature. It is true that on the 
3d of January, upon hearing of the mutiny, he wrote to 
Wayne, " The officers have given convincing proof that 
every thing possible was done by them to check the 
mutiny on its first appearance, and it is to be regretted 
that some of them have fallen sacrifices to their zeal." 
But on the 29th of January he writes in a different tone 
to the governors of the several States : "■ The weak- 
ness of this garrison and still more its embarrassment 
and distress from a want of provisions made it impos- 
sible to prosecute such measures with the Pennsyl- 
vanians as the nature of the case demanded, and while 
we were making arrangements as far as practicable to 
supply these defects an accommodation took place which 


will not only subvert the Penn'a line but have a very 
pernicious influence upon the whole army." Washing- 
ton, when he first heard of the mutiny, evidently ap- 
prehending further trouble, wrote immediately to the 
governors of the New England States in this strain 
(January 5, 17S1) : "The aggravated calamities and 
distresses that have resulted from the total want of 
pay for nearly twelve months, the want of clothing 
at a severe season, and not infrequently the want of 
provisions, are beyond description." So when, shortly 
after, a revolt of very small proportions took place in 
the Jersey line from the same causes, measures were 
taken to crush it out at once. 

There were several reasons which rendered the 
Pennsylvania revolt in the eyes of the authorities, both 
military and civil, much more serious than a mere man- 
ifestation of the discontent of the soldiers. The army 
of Washington at that time was in a most critical con- 
dition, believed by many, including the enemy, to be 
at the point of dissolution, and the Pennsylvania line 
formed the larger portion of that army. One great 
fear was that the mutineers might join the British 
army. The English had made every preparation to 
receive them at Elizabethtown and Perth Amboy, five 
thousand troops having been detached for that purpose. 
Sir H. Clinton, as soon as he heard of the mutiny, de- 
spatched spies to the camp of the insurgents to induce 
them to join him, and offered to receive them into the 
English army under the most favorable conditions.' 
These proposals reached those in revolt on the 7th 
of January. Instead of being entertained, they were 

* Moore, 129. 


promptly rejected by the soldiers, they spurning the 
idea of " becoming Arnolds^' as they expressed it. 
They placed the two bearers of these propositions in 
confinement as spies, and before their submission they 
were ready to hang them. They sent the overtures of 
the British general to Wayne, with a solemn assurance 
** that should any hostile movement be made by the 
enemy the Division would immediately march under 
their old Beloved Commander to meet and repel it." 
Certainly such men never had any intention of desert- 
ing the American cause for the purpose of joining the 
British army. In the pride of their patriotism they 
spurned the reward which was offered them for the 
capture of the spies. 

Another cause of alarm with many was the fear that 
the revolters would proceed in a body to Philadelphia 
and overawe Congress and the Assembly into granting 
their claims. So considerable a person as General St. 
Clair, who commanded the division, was disposed to 
think that they should be allowed to cross the river, for 
then they could not desert to the enemy ; but President 
Reed and the Committee of Congress evidently thought 
that in order to avoid the imminent danger of coercing 
the civil authorities some binding compromise or agree- 
ment should be made with them before they came 
within their reach. Much false pride was undoubtedly 
sacrificed on the part of the authorities in bringing the 
quarrel to an early settlement. What the soldiers 
might have done had they reached Philadelphia it is in 
vain to speculate, but it is very clear that the terms of 
the final settlement were fair, equitable, and just. 

Various theories have been put forward to explain 


this revolt. No explanation is needed beyond the in- 
tolerable condition of the men and their neglect by 
Congress and the State. A curious error has been 
fallen into by many historians, including Mr. Bancroft, 
in speaking of the Pennsylvania line, that "it was com- 
posed in a large degree of new-comers from Ireland," 
and this has been said not only to account for the al- 
leged lawlessness and disaffection of the men at the 
time of the revolt, but also (by General Harry Lee) 
to explain the extraordinary brilliancy of their courage 
on the battle-field. These writers are evidently think- 
ing of the characteristic qualities of the Celtic Irish- 
man in war; but there were not, it is said on good 
authority, more than three hundred persons of Irish 
birth (Roman Catholic and Celtic) in the Pennsylvania 
line. Two-thirds of the force were Scotch-Irish, a race 
with whose fighting qualities we are all familiar, but 
which are quite opposite to those that characterize the 
true Irish Celt. Most of them were descendants of 
the Scotch-Irish emigrants of 171 7-1 730, and very few 
of them were " new-comers." ^ 

' In regard to the statement that the Pennsylvania line was com- 
posed mainly of Irish, the following letters, one from Dr. William 
H. Egle, the State Librarian, the other from John Blair Linn, Esq., 
of Bellefonte, both of them editors of the Pennsylvania Archives, 
which contain the lists of the soldiers of the Revolution from this 
State preserved at Harrisburg, should prove satisfactorily that it was 
made without authority ; 

State Library of Pennsylvania. 

Harrisburg, Pa., April ii, 1892. 
Charles J. Stille, LL.D., 


My dear Sir, — In reply to your inquiry of 9th April, permit me 

to state that Mr. Bancroft and other writers were entirely wrong in 


On the whole, then, it would appear that the mutiny 
of the Pennsylvania line on investigation amounted to 

their statement as to the nationality of the soldiers of Wayne's 
Division. With the exception of the Scotch-Irish, who formed about 
two-thirds of his force, the remainder were almost wholly of German 
parentage. In the French and Indian War the emigrants from the 
Province of Ulster were chiefly selected, while those of pure Irish 
descent or migration were rejected on the ground that they were 
Roman Catholics and that they would not be loyal to the Province 
when opposed by the French troops. If you so desire, when the op- 
portune time arrives I might amplify what I have here simply alluded 
to. The Irish were not in it, although all immigrants from Ireland 
were thus claimed. The facts are, {^"^ Irish came until after the War 
of the Revolution. I doubt if there were 300 persons of Irish birth 
(Roman Catholic and Celtic) in the war from Pennsylvania. 

Yours with respect, 

William H. Egle. 

Bellefonte, Pa., April 11, 1892. 

My dear Sir, — Mr. Bancroft and General Henry Lee were cer- 
tainly in error in stating that the Pennsylvania Line was composed 
for the most part of Hibernians who emigrated and enlisted in our 

The Scotch-Irish emigration of 171 7-1 730 in its descendants 
furnished the bone and sinew of the Pennsylvania Line. Except in 
a few regiments from the neighborhood of Philadelphia there were 
very few then recent emigrants enlisted in the Line. 

Sons of German emigrants furnished quite a respectable portion 
of the Line, as the rolls of companies from Northampton, Bucks, 
Lancaster, indicate by their patronymic denomination. There were 
a few sons of English emigrants ; but the Scotch-Irish of Phila- 
delphia, Chester, Lancaster, Cumberland, Northumberland, Alle- 
gheny, and Westmoreland Counties composed the large majority of 
the Pennsylvania Line, as the names indicate, confirmed by very 
extensive examination of Pension applications, rolls at Harrisburg, 
and extensive acquaintance with families in central and western 
Pennsylvania, who were represented in the Pennsylvania Line. 


this : It was adopted as the only method within the 
power of the men to compel the authorities, State and 
Congressional, to do them justice, or, in other words, to 
keep their contract with them. They asked for three 
things, as we have said, which having been promised 
them were withheld, — namely, pay, clothing, and pro- 
visions. Having enlisted for three years, they insisted 
that they should be discharged at the end of their term, 
and not be kept illegally under arms because the mili- 
tary authorities thought that as veterans they would 
prove more useful than raw recruits. The substan- 
tial justice of their claims cannot be denied, although 
their method of asserting them was unlawful. The 
authorities, therefore, in yielding did not violate the 
true theory of military discipline, which is based quite 
as much upon the justice of those who command as 

They were Scotch-Irish Presbyterians : Irvines, Chambers, Butlers, 
Potter, Wilson, McAllister, McFarlane, Hollidays, McClellan, Grier, 
Buchanan, Simonton, Thompson, McClean, etc., etc., emigrants 
and sons of emigrants from the North of Ireland, from Antrim, 
Londonderry, Tyrone, Donegal, Fermanagh, and Cavan, as I have 
had occasion to trace them. In central and western Pennsylvania, 
in the frontier counties, there were a good many Scotch-Irish emi- 
grants who came on between 1769 and 1774, who enlisted, as rolls 
compared with old Church records show. 

There is nothing in the annals of Pennsylvania, as far as I have 
examined them, to sustain the assertion that Irish emigrants, as dis- 
tinguished from the Scotch-Irish, formed a component portion of 
the Pennsylvania Line, but much to the contrary. 


Your ob't serv't, 

John B. Linn. 
Charles J. Stille, LL.D., 
Philadelphia, Pa. 


upon the implicit obedience of those who are com- 

Exactly how far the American government at that 
time, considering its own origin, was in a condition to 
exact absolute compliance with its orders when it had 
violated constantly the rights of the soldiers, it is not 
worth while to inquire. But we must remember always 
how completely this revolt differed in its cause and 
progress from ordinary military revolts. There was no 
disaffection to the cause for which they had for five 
years been fighting, there was no licentious soldiery 
carrying terror among the unarmed inhabitants and 
plundering them when free from the control of their 
officers, and they never asked for anything to which in 
the opinion of all they were not fully entitled. 

It is impossible to read any faithful account of this re- 
volt without being struck with the attachment and de- 
votion of his soldiers to General Wayne, and the wise 
and judicious measures which he took to lessen the 
evils attendant upon it. We have seen how earnestly 
he pleaded with the authorities to take such measures 
before it broke out as would have rendered it unneces- 
sary. When such efforts failed he was the strict disci- 
plinarian, striving in vain to repress the mutiny with 
arms in his hands. When all military order and disci- 
pline had been subverted, he and his brave comrades, 
Richard Buder and Walter Stewart, forgetful of per- 
sonal danger, remained with the men, not, certainly, 
with any immediate expectation of subduing the revolt, 
but with the hope of prevendng the most dangerous 
consequences which were feared from it, — the desertion 
of the soldiers to the enemy or their coercion of Con- 


gress. When they were disposed to return to their 
duty upon an intimation that their reasonable claims 
would be granted, Wayne was the trusted mediator 
whose counsels brought peace and safety at this dan- 
gerous crisis. Seldom has a general with revolted 
troops had such a task to perform, and never was it 
performed more nobly and more successfully. 

The followinof official account of the revolt of the 
Pennsylvania line is taken from the letters found in 
the collection of the Wayne MSS. : 

General Wayne's Order concerning the Mutiny. 

Head Quarters 
Mount Kemble 2nd Jan'y, 1781 

Agreeably to the proposition of a very great proportion of the 
Worthy Soldiery last evening Gen'l Wayne hereby desires the Non 
Commissioned Officers & privates to Appoint one man from each 
Reg't to represent their Grievances to the Gen'l who upon the 
Sacred Honor of a Gentleman & a Soldier does hereby solemnly 
promise to exert every power to Obtain an Immediate redress of 
those Grievances & he further plights that Honor that no man shall 
receive the least Injury on account of the part he may have taken 
upon this Occasion, & that the persons of those who may be Ap- 
pointed to settle this affair, shall be held sacred & Inviolate 

The General hopes soon to return to Camp with all his brother 
Soldiers who took a little tour last evening 

Ant'y Wayne E.G. 

General Washington to General Wayne. 

Head Quarters New Windsor 
3rd January 1781 

My dear Sir, — I this day at Noon reed, yours of the 2nd in the 
morning, by Major Fishbourn, who has given me a full account of 
the unhappy and alarming defection of the Pennsylvania line. The 
officers have given convincing proof that every thing possible was 


done by them to check the mutiny upon its first appearance, and it 
is to be regretted that some of them have fallen Sacrifices to their 
Zeal. I very much approve of the determination of yourself, Col'l 
Butler and Col'l Stewart to keep with the troops, if they will admit 
of it, as, after the first transports of passion, there may be some 
favorable intervals which may be improved. I do not know where 
this may find you, or in what Situation. I can therefore only advise 
what seems to me most proper at this distance and upon a consider- 
ation of all circumstances. 

Opposition, as it did not succeed in the first instance cannot be 
effectual while the men remain together, but will keep alive resent- 
ment and will tempt them to turn about and go in a body to the 
enemy, who by their Emissaries will use every Argument and means 
in their power to persuade them that it is their only Asylum, which, 
if they find their passage stopped at the Delaware, and hear that the 
Jersey Militia are collecting in their rear, they may think but too 
probable. I would therefore recommend it to you to cross the 
Delaware with them, draw from them what they conceive to be their 
principal Grievances and promise to represent faithfully to Congress 
and to the State the Substance of them and to endeavour to obtain 
a redress. If they could be stopped at Bristol or Germantown the 
better — I look upon it, that if you can bring them to a negocia- 
tion, matters may afterwards be accommodated, but that an attempt 
to reduce them by force will either drive them to the Enemy or dis- 
sipate them in such a manner that they will never be recovered. 

Major Fishbourn informs me that General Potter and Col'l 
Johnston had gone forward to apprise Congress of this unhappy 
event, and to advise them to go out of the way to avoid the first 
burst of the storm. It was exceedingly proper to give Congress and 
the State notice of the Affair that they might be prepared, but the 
removal of Congress, waving the indignity, might have a very un- 
happy influence — The mutineers finding the Body, before whom 
they were determined to lay their Grievances, fled, might take a new 
turn, and wreak their vengeance upon the persons and properties of 
the Citizens, and in a town the size of Philadelphia there are num- 
bers who would join them in such a business. I would therefore 
wish you, if you have time, to recall that advice and rather recom- 
mend it to them to stay and hear what propositions the Soldiers 


have to make. Immediately upon the receipt of your letter I took 
measures to inform myself of the temper of the Troops in this 
quarter, and have sent into the Country for a Small Escort of Horse 
to come to me, and if nothing alarming appear here and I hear 
nothing further from you, I shall, tomorrow morning, set out to- 
ward Philadelphia by the Route of Chester, Warwick, Col Sewards, 
Davenports Mill Morris Town Somerset Princetown, Trenton, on 
which you will direct any dispatches for me. As I shall be exceed- 
ingly anxious to hear what turn matters have taken, or in what situ- 
ation they remain, you will be pleased to let me hear from you. 

I am with very great Regard 
Dear Sir 

Your most Hble Sert. 

G'e Washington — 

P. S. 4 Jany 7 o'clock am. Upon second thoughts I am in 
doubt whether I shall come down, because the mutineers must have 
returned to their duty or the business be in the hands of Congress 
before I could reach you, and because I am advised by such of the 
General Officers as I have seen not to leave this post in the present 
Situation of things — temper of the troops — and distress of the Gar- 
rison for want of Flour, Cloathing and in short everything — 

Brig. Gen. Wayne. 

Major Moore to General Wayne, 

Pennytown Jan'y 5, 1781 
Dear General, — On Wednesday night about eleven o'clock 80 
Officers armed with Col. Craig at our head left the Hutts & pro- 
ceeded to the Middlebush road when Hamilton & myself (as it was 
thought We could with safety pass the Troops) were detached to in- 
form you of the approach of these Officers & the position they meant 
to take. We arrived at the Borders of Prince town yesterday at 12 
o'clock, were stopped by a Guard, treated with a great deal of inso- 
lence & turned back. Col. Craig & those I first mentioned have 
rode round to Allentown & from there I believe will cross the river. 
We have arranged ourselves here in two Companies commanded by 
Col Harmar & wait your Orders — 


The Artillery & ammunition which was left is in good order & I 
believe will be brought here — 

Please to give my compliments to Cols Butler & Stewart. I 

have secured the Baggage of the former. Your Baggage to Doctor 


I am Sir, with confidence & 

respect yours 

Thos. H. Moore. 
Gen'l Wayne — 
3 o'clock P.M. 

N.B. I should not have been so particular but this goes by a 
safe hand T. M. 

General Wayne to President Reed. 

Princeton 8th Jany. 1781 
Dear Sir, — Being determined to bring matters to a speedy Issue 
at every Consequence & risk, we sent for the Serj'ts at ^ after 4 
OClock this Evening & Insisted upon their marching from this place 
towards Trent-town in the morning, or that we would leave them to 
Act as they pleased, & to abide the bad Effects of their own folly. 
In consequence of which they had come to a Resolution of moving 
in the morning & bringing along the two Caitiffs [the spies], pre- 
vious to the receipt of yours, by Mr. Caldwell. 

I am Sir Your Most Obt. 
Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 
[To Gov'r Reed.] 

General Wayne and Colonels Butler and Stewart to the Officers. 

Princeton Jan'y 8th, 1781 
half-past Eleven o'clock 

Dear Gentlemen, — This accompanies copies of the orders, prop- 
ositions, interrogations, and answers which have passed between the 
troops and ourselves since the unhappy night of the ist Instant — 

Yesterday President Reed, and a Committee from the Council 
arrived here with full powers to settle this unhappy disturbance; 
they were met by twelve Serjeants ; who Laid, before them the griev- 
ances Complaind of by the troops — 

Many arguments were used to Convince them of the enormous 
injustice which some of their demands containd, and the total im- 


possibility of our ever receding from the just and equitable offers 
which we have made — 

Their demand of having the 20 dollar men all discharged, seems 
still to remain unalterable in their minds, and you may rest assured 
as inadmissible in ours — 

Before such a step can be taken (which will rob us of ^ds of the 
Line) a total dissolution must take place, and we must depend on 
Events for Collecting them together — 

This morning an answer is to be received from them which will 
determine the line of Conduct to be in future pursued 

Our attendance here, our unwearied diligence in explaining mat- 
ters to the soldiery, and the Coolness of temper to which we have 
reduced them, will, we flatter ourselves meet the approbation of our 
Brother officers and fellow Citizens in General — 

On hearing of your anxiety to have us with you, we determined 
at all events to quit this place and leave them to follow their wild 
& ungovernable inclinations, but this step we are prevented from 
taking by our Worthy Generals advice ; as well as that of Governor 
Reed, and the other Gentlemen 

You have among the papers, proposals sent the Line by Sir H'y 
Clinton, the propositions as well as the Conveyers of them were 
both immediately handed to us. The men are prisoners, and we hope 
will meet the fate they deserve 

It was a happy Circumstance they had us to apply to, at this 
alarming and important moment had we been absent, and the pro- 
posal left to work on the minds of the Soldiers — tis difficult to 
divine what the result might have been 

An anxiety for your Situation adds much to the unhappiness and 
distress of our minds — We have been impatiently waiting to hear 
from you, but are only now and then able to have your distress 
pictured to us by people who have pass'd amongst you That our 
anxieties, distress of mind and unhappiness of situation may soon 
terminate is the ardent wish of 

Dear Gent. 

Your aff'te friends 

A. Wayne 
R. Butler 
W. Stewart 


Colonel Hub ley to General Wayne. 

Dear General, — We have just received your favor by Mr. Nes- 
bitt — Your unwearied attention to settle the unhappy dispute, 
must, and is particularly acknowledged, by all who I have had any 
conversation with — From appearance, matters will shortly be 
brought to an issue — tho' not to your & our wishes, yet considering 
circumstances, beyond my expectations. — 

I hope that every Credit will be given to you & your Colleagues, 
for your exertions, for my part I shall do every thing in my power 
to acquaint my friends & the world how much they are indebted to 
you. — I am with my best Comp's to Col'ls Stewart & Butler, 

Your Obt hum Sert 

Ad'm Hubley Jr — 

N.B. From your Letters of Yesterday, I fear some erroneous repre- 
sentations with respect to the officers, toward you and your Colleagues, 
have been made to you — I hope we shall see you shortly when 
you will be Convinced & imbibe a very different opinion of us. 
Brigadier Gen'l Wayne 


Proposals to the Mutmeers. 

His Excellency Joseph Reed Esq'r Governor & the honb'le Brig- 
adier General Potter of the Supreme Executive Council of the State 
of Pennsylvania having heard the Complaints of the Soldiers, as 
represented by the Serjeants, inform them, that they are fully au- 
thorized to redress reasonable Grievances & they have the fullest 
Disposition to make them as easy & happy as possible for which end 
they propose — 

_Pirst — That no NonCommissioned Officer or Soldier shall be de- 
tained beyond the time for which he freely & voluntarily engaged 
— but where they appear to have been in any Respect compelled to 
enter or sign, — such Instruments to be deemed void & the Soldier 
discharged — 

Secondly — To settle who are or are not bound to stay three per- 
sons to be appointed by the President & Council who are to ex- 
amine into the Terms of Inlistment — when the original Inlistments 



cannot be found the Soldier's oath to be admitted to prove the 
Time and Terms of Inlistment, & the Soldier to be discharged upon 
his Oath of the Condition of the Inlistment — 

Thirdly — Wherever any Soldier has inlisted for three years, or 
during the war he is to be discharged unless he shall appear after- 
wards to have re-inlisted voluntarily & freely — the Gratuity of loo 
Dollars given by Congress, not to be reckoned as a bounty or any 
men to be detained in Consequence of receiving that Gratuity — 
The Commissioners to be appointed by the President & Council to 
adjust any Difficulties which may arise on this Article also — 

Fourthly — The Auditors to attend as soon as possible to settle the 
Depreciation with the Soldiers & give them Certificates — Their 
Arrearages of Pay to be made up as soon as Circumstances will 
admit & 

Fifthly — A Pair of Shoes, Overalls & Shirt will be delivered 
out to each Soldier in a {^^^ days as they are already purchased & 
ready to be sent forward — whenever the Line shall be settled — 
Those who are discharged to receive the above Articles at Trenton 
producing the General's Discharge — 

The Governor hopes that no Soldier of the Pennsylvania Line 
will break his bargain or go from the Contract made with the pub- 
lick & they may depend upon it that the utmost Care will be taken 
to furnish them with every necessary fitting for a soldier — The 
Governor will recommend to the State to take some favorable notice 
of those who engaged for the War — 

The Commissioners will attend at Trenton when the Clothing, 
& the Stores will be immediately brought & the Regiments to be 
settled with, in their Order — A P^ield Officer of each Regiment to 
attend during the Settlement of his Regiment : pursuant to Gen'i 
Waynes Order of the 2nd Instant 

No Man to be brought to any Tryal or Censure for what has hap- 
pened on or since New Year's Day but all Matters to be buried in 
Oblivion — 

Jos. Reed, President 
Jas. Potter 

[Gov'r Reed & Genl. 

Potter's proposal 

to the line — 1781] 


The Rev alters to President Reed. 

His Excellency's proposals being communicated to the different 
Regiments at Troop beating this morning January 8th 1781 — 

They do voluntarily agree in Conjunction that all the Soldiers that 
were inlisted for the Bounty of twenty dollars ought to be discharged 
Immediately with as little delay as Circumstances will allow — except 
such Soldiers who have been since voluntarily re-inlisted, the re- 
mainder of his Excellencys & the Honble board of Committee's pro- 
posals is founded upon Honor & Justice ; but in regard to the proposals 
of the Honble. Board seting forth that there will be appointed three 
Persons to sit as a Committee to Redress our grievances it is there- 
fore the General demand of the line, and the board of Serjants that 
we shall appoint as many members as of the opposite to sit as a 
Committee to determine justly upon our unhappy affair, as the Path 
we tread is Justice, & our Footsteps founded upon Honor — 

Therefore we do unanimously agree that their should be some- 
thing done towards a speedy Redress of our present Circumstances — 


Wm. Bawser, Sec'ty — 

Jan'y 8, 1 781 — Princetown — 

[Copy of the Proposals of the Serjeants to 
the President &c Jany. 8th 1781] 

President Reed to the Mutineers. 

Dear Sir, — I received your Favour this Evening, & also the Pro- 
posals signed by Sergeant Bawser, which as they contain in Sub- 
stance what was offered last Evening shall be granted except that ap- 
pointing Persons to set with those nominated by the Honourable the 
Council, cannot be complied with. This implies such a Distrust of 
the Authority of the State which has ever been attentive to the 
wants of the Army that the Impropriety of it must be evident. But 
any Soldier will have Liberty to bring before the Commissioners any 
Person as his Friend to represent his Case. The Hon. the Com- 
mittee of Congress have resolved that the Spies sent out should be 
delivered up as soon as convenient & upon that being done Con- 
gress will proclaim a general Oblivion of all Matters since the 31 


December — provided the Terms offered last Evening are closed 

with & the Troops remain no longer in their present State. It 

is my clear Opinion that they should march in the morning to 

Trenton where the Stores are, their Cloathing expected if not by 

this Time arrived, by which I mean Overalls & some Blankets — 

I hope they will come to a Speedy Determination & am Dear Sir 

Your Obed Hble Serv't 

Jos Reed. 
Jan. 8, 1 78 1 

[8th Jan'y 1781 

Gov'r J. Reed] 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Trenton 29th January 1781 

Dear General, — The Commissioners of Congress have gone 
thro' the Settlement of Inlistments of the Pennsylvania Line except 
a few Stragglers, and have ordered about 1250 men to be discharged 
out of the Aggregate of the Infantry, and 67 of the Artillery, so 
that we may count upon nearly 11 50 remaining, including the non- 
commissioned officers furloughed pursuant to the Direction of the 
Commissioners until March & toward April, except recruiting Serg't 
& Music. 

I shall leave this place tomorrow morning after seeing the Arms & 
Accoutrements forwarded to Philadelphia where I shall expect your 
Excellency's further Orders. General Irvine will also be anxious for 
your Directions, he is now there preparing for the recruiting Service. 

I gave early Orders to the Regimental Quarter Masters to secure 
the public stores of their respective Corps, & particular Directions 
to Mr. Hughes the Division Quarter Master, to collect the whole 
and return them to Q. M. General's Store at Morris Town, except 
the few Arms & Accoutrements left in the Huts, which I have ordered 
to be sent to this place by the Return Waggons & so by Water to 
Philadelphia. I am happy to inform you that the loss of these 
essential Articles is far short of what we had reason to expect, indeed 
there was scarcely a man discharged or furloughed who did not pro- 
duce a Receipt for the Delivery of his Arms & Accoutrements. 


Inclosed are the printed Forms of Orders for Discharges — Dis- 
charges and furloughs, by which your Excellency will find that I have 
had my share of very Distressing Duty, attended with some disagree- 
able scenes at almost every Hour of Day and Night, which will also 
palliate for any seeming neglect in point of frequent Intelligence. 
I have the Honor to be in every Vicissitude of Fortune 

Your Excellency's most obed't 
& affectionate hble Serv't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

Jg^" Inclosed is a Philad'a paper of the 24th Instant in which 
you'l see that some Gentlemen have given themselves Ample Credit 
for the part they have had in this unfortunate affair. 

His Excellency 
Gen'l Washington. 

General Washington to General Wayne. 

Head Quarters New Windsor 
Feby. 2n(i 1781 

Dear Sir, — In mine of the 29th of January I partly answered 
yours of the 21st — Yours of the 17th had been duly received, 
and I am since favored with that of the 29th January 

I am satisfied, that every thing was done on your part to produce 
the least possible evil from the unfortunate disturbance in your line, 
and that your influence has had a great share in preventing worse 
extremities — I felt for your Situation — Your anxieties & fatigues 
of mind amidst such a scene, I can easily conceive — I thank you 
sincerely for your exertions — 

You request to be exempted from the recruiting Service, and em- 
ployed in the field — at present the last is not possible — but 'till you 
hear further from me, you need not occupy yourself about the first — 
I write to General Irvine by this opportunity 

With the greatest regard 
I am Dear Sir 

Your most Obed't Serv't 

G'e Washington 
Gen. Wayne — 


General Wayne to General Washington. 

Phil'a 27th Feby 1781 
Dear General, — I was honored with your favor of the 2d Instant 
and experience much happiness in your Approbation of my Conduct 
during the unfortunate Defection of the Penns'a line. But as I am 
informed that the tongue of slander (among some Individuals in the 
State of N. Jersey) has not been Idle on this Occasion, I hold it 
my duty to mention that as far as Orders & example had Influence 
the persons & property of the Inhabitants were protected & the 
strictest discipline Observed Inclosed is a Copy of one of the last 
Orders Issued for this purpose, which was faithfully Observed in 
every minutia on the part of the Officers, even at 9 OClock the 
night of the revolt at which hour every thing appeared favourable 
and all the Soldiers either in their Hutts or properly Accounted for 
— Indeed one of their Complaints was, that they had experienced 
more restraint & strict duty than usual in Winter — however I 
would much rather be accused of that — than a relaxation of Disci- 
pline — or inattention to the rights of the Citizen nor was any legal 
means left unattempted to quiet the minds of the troops which your 
Excely will see by the Inclosed copy of an Order of the Ultimo — 

It is with pleasure I again Assure your Excellency that I am very 
much Indebted to all the Officers for their attention to Duty & 
Spirited exertions on this occasion & in particular to Col'ls Stew- 
art & Butler who as Commanding Officers of Brigades cheerfully 
risqued their lives & participated in every vicissitude of fortune 
with me — 

I now Inclose your Excellency a Copy of the General Officers 
answer to the Queries of the Honble. House of Assembly, & their 
proceedings thereon, which I hope will be productive of very salu- 
tary effects — 

I have the Honor to be with 
Singular Esteem 
Your Excellency's 
Most Obt 

& very Hum'l Sert 

Anth'v Wayne. 

[To Gen'l Washington.] 



The Pennsylvania line was almost wholly dissolved 
by the revolt. It was a long time before the people 
recovered from the panic produced by it. The Board 
of War, indeed, was so anxious to get rid of what they 
considered the dangerous element in the army that 
they not only paid the men of the Pennsylvania line on 
their discharge what was due them, but Issued to each 
soldier gratuitously a ration for every twenty miles on 
his way homeward. The Congressional committee, 
which was probably not very strict in examining the 
claims for discharge, set free about twelve hundred and 
fifty men, so that no more than eleven hundred and 
fifty remained In the division. General Washington 
complained that this commission had been imposed 
upon, but, upon the advice of St. Clair, the com- 
mander, the matter was hushed up. Measures were 
at once taken to recruit the regiments and to reor- 
ganize the division. It was decided to reduce the num- 
ber of regiments to six. Of course it was necessary 
to retire a proportionate number of officers. Of the 
men who were retained many were veterans, having 
served continuously for five years. No greater proof 
could be given of the confidence they inspired, and of 
Wayne's high qualities as a leader, than that shown 

by the eagerness with which the old soldiers as well as 



the officers pressed forward to serve again under him. 
There seems to have been no effort to exckide the 
former mutineers from re-enlistment. Two-thirds of 
those whose time had expired and who had been dis- 
charofed were desirous of re-enterinor the service under 

to to 

Wayne's command, and, in his language, " were as im- 
portunate for service as they had been for their dis- 
charge. " The trouble was not with the service nor 
with the officers, but with the broken promises of the 
State and of Congress with regard to their pay and 

On the 26th of February, 1781, Wayne was ordered 
to command a detachment of the Pennsylvania line 
which it had been determined to send as a reinforce- 
ment to General Greene, then in charge of military 
affairs in South Carolina. The detachment was to con- 
sist of details from each of the six regiments, in num- 
ber about eight hundred, and the rendezvous and head- 
quarters were established at York in Pennsylvania.' It 
was a long and tedious business to reorganize the men 
and procure the needed supplies for the expedition. 
In his efforts to prepare them for the campaign he was 
embarrassed by difficulties of the same sort that he 
had encountered so many times since the beginning 
of the war. Recruits for the expedition were scarce, 
the needed supplies were not forthcoming, and the 
worthless paper which was given him to pay his men 
it was soon found would purchase nothing in the way 
of the commonest necessaries. No allowance was 
made for the actual depreciation of this miscalled 

' See Appendix, No. III. 


money below its nominal value, and, as was most natu- 
ral, there was much discontent on the part of the men 
to whom it was offered, and mutterings and threats 
which, according to the law-martial, came very near to 
mutiny. The result of this renewed attempt on the 
part of the State to pay its soldiers in nominal money, 
when it had agreed to pay them in what was real, is 
clearly expressed in the following letter of Wayne of 
May 20, 1781 : 

•' When I arrived at York there was scarcely a horse 
or a carriage fit to transport any part of our baggage 
or supplies. This difficulty I found means to remedy 
by bartering one species of public property to pro- 
cure another. The troops were retarded in advancing 
to the general rendezvous by the unaccountable delay 
of the auditors who were appointed to settle and pay 
the proportion of the depreciation due them, which, 
when received, was not equal to one-seventh part of 
its nominal value. This was an alarming circumstance. 
The soldiery but too sensibly felt the imposition ; nor 
did the conduct or counsel of the inhabitants tend to 
moderate but rather to inflame their minds by refusing 
to part with any thing which the soldiers needed in ex- 
change for it, saying it was not worth accepting, and 
that they (the soldiers) ought not to march until justice 
was done them. To minds already susceptible to this 
kind of impression and whose recent revolt was fresh 
in their memory little more was wanting to stimulate 
them to try it again. The day antecedent to that on 
which the march was to commence, a few leading mu- 
tineers on the right of each regiment called out to 
pay them in real and not ideal money : they were no 


longer to be trifled with. Upon this they were ordered 
to their tents, which being peremptorily refused, the 
principals were immediately either knocked down or 
confined by the officers, who were previously prepared 
for this event. A Court-martial was ordered on the 
spot, — the commission of the crime, trial and execu- 
tion were all included in the course of a few hours in 
front of the line paraded under arms. The determined 
countenances of the officers produced a conviction to 
the soldiery that the sentence of the Court-martial 
would be carried into execution at every risk and con- 
sequence. Whether by design or accident, the partic- 
ular friends and messmates of the culprits were their 
executioners, and while the tears rolled down their 
cheeks in showers, they silently and faithfully obeyed 
their orders without a moment's hesitation. Thus was 
this hideous monster crushed in its birth, however to 
myself and officers a most painful scene." 

On the 20th of May Wayne's corps, much smaller 
in numbers than he had anticipated, and by no means 
well equipped, but according to his own account re- 
duced to discipline and harmony by the prompt execu- 
tion of two of the mutineers, marched southward from 
York. In consequence of the attempt of Lord Corn- 
wallis, who had made a rapid march from South Caro- 
lina after the battle of Eutaw Springs, to form a junction 
with General Phillips, who commanded the British forces 
on the James River in Virginia, Wayne was ordered to 
reinforce La Fayette, who commanded in that State, 
before proceeding to South Carolina. Wayne joined 
La Fayette on the 7th of June at Fredericksburg with 
about eight hundred men. He formed his men into 


two battalions, the first commanded by Walter Stewart 
and the other by Richard Butler. These battalions 
and one from Virginia under Colonel Gaskin formed a 
brigade, and acted together as such under Wayne until 
the surrender of Yorktown. Wayne brought with him 
one company of artillerists, but no cannon. La Fayette's 
command was made up of detachments from the New 
England regiments and those of Jersey in Washing- 
ton's army. There was also a corps of Virginia militia, 
varying greatly in number at different times, under 
La Fayette, whose effective force was, previous to the 
junction, not more than twelve hundred men. 

Unfortunately, Wayne had been so long detained in 
Pennsylvania by the difficulty of obtaining supplies that 
before his arrival in Virginia Richmond had been burned 
by the predatory force under Phillips and Arnold, while 
the planters on the shores of the rivers emptying into 
the Chesapeake are said to have lost property by their 
depredations amounting in value to several millions of 
pounds. The command of the combined force of the 
enemy in Virginia was now held by Cornwallis, who 
manoeuvred in such a way as to command the penin- 
sula between the James and York Rivers. His head- 
quarters were at Portsmouth, opposite Norfolk, which 
he converted into a fortified depot for the reception of 
supplies from the fleet by which, if necessary, it might 
be protected. The object of La Fayette and Wayne 
during the summer of 1781, when their army formed 
the only American force in Virginia, was to check the 
raids of the English detachments sent into the interior 
of the country intent on robbery and the destruction of 
military stores. It was also important to prevent the 


retreat of Cornwallis from Portsmouth into North Car- 
oHna. It was essential to the success of Washington's 
plan for the campaign that Cornwallis's army should be 
held, for the present at least, at the mouth of the Ches- 
apeake, and until Washington with the army from the 
North and the French fleet should co-operate in the 
autumn to complete his discomfiture by blockading his 
army. Of course the English could not understand 
the significance of the movements which Washington 
was making so as to secure the aid of another French 
fleet which was expected to arrive in the Chesapeake 
from the West Indies. He concealed his plans under 
the pretext of attacking New York with the aid of the 
French forces under Rochambeau. By a strange infat- 
uation, Sir Henry Clinton in New York greatly aided 
Washington's plan by ordering Cornwallis to establish 
himself at some strong point at the entrance of the 
Chesapeake. La Fayette and Wayne, who had been 
admitted to a partial knowledge of Washington's plans, 
were satisfied in the latter part of the summer that if 
they were carried out Cornwallis must surrender. 

After the junction of La Fayette and Wayne, they 
followed the marauding army, which was then oper- 
ating on the peninsula between the James and York 
Rivers, avoiding, of course, a general engagement, as 
their force was greatly inferior in numbers, and striving 
to find an occasion on which they could do some ser- 
vice by attacking the British rear-guard. This mode of 
campaigning involved a great deal of wearisome march- 
ing and countermarching with much distress to La Fay- 
ette's men, and inflicted, apparently, very little injury 
on the enemy. It certainly had the effect, however, of 


confining hostile operations within a comparatively lim- 
ited territory. On the 6th of July it seemed as if the 
long-hoped-for opportunity of attacking the enemy to 
advantage had arrived. Cornwallis, moving down the 
James River on his way to Portsmouth, sent a portion 
of his force across the river. Intelligence was brought 
to La Fayette that the English force was cut in two 
by a wide river, and that consequently there was a 
favorable chance of attacking its rear, which still re- 
mained on the left bank and north side of the James. 
La Fayette directed Wayne to move forward at once 
and attack that portion of the force which had not yet 
crossed. Upon arriving at Green Spring, near the 
enemy, Wayne discovered that the intelligence that any 
considerable portion of the army had passed the river 
was false. He and La Fayette, leading the advance, 
in order to make a more complete reconnoissance had 
crossed a swamp by a causeway with a force of about 
eight hundred men before they ascertained that they 
had a large portion of Cornwallis's army in their front, 
and they soon found this force formed in battle array. 
La Fayette at once sent back to the main American army, 
a distance of five miles, for reinforcements, ordering 
those left behind to join them with all speed. " Mean- 
time," says Wayne, " the riflemen in the advance com- 
menced and kept up a galling fire upon the enemy, 
which continued until five in the afternoon, when the 
British began to move forward in columns, upon which 
Major Galvan [a French officer in the Continental ser- 
vice] attacked them, and after a spirited although un- 
equal contest retired upon our left. A detachment of 
light infantry under Major Willis having arrived also 


commenced a severe fire upon the enemy, but it was 
obliged to fall back. The enemy observing our small 
force began to turn our flanks, — a manoeuvre in which 
had they persevered they must have inevitably sur- 
rounded our advanced corps and taken position between 
this corps and the other portion of the army, com- 
posing the reinforcement about to join them. At this 
crisis Colonel Harmar and Major Edwards with part of 
the 2d and 3d Penn'a regiments under Colonel Hump- 
ton, with one field piece, having joined, it was deter- 
mined, among a choice of difficulties, to advance and 
charge the British line, although it numbered more 
than five times our force." In other words, Wayne, 
perceiving that he was confronted by the entire force 
of the enemy, whose lines overlapped and endangered 
his flanks, decided instantly that the proper move to 
make was a vigorous charge. A sudden retreat might 
have ended in a panic. To await the shock of the ap- 
proaching army might be ruinous. " With the instinct 
of a leader and the courage of a lion," says Professor 
Johnston, " he determined to become the assailant, — 
to advance and charge." Within seventy yards of the 
enemy, and for fifteen minutes, a sharp action took 
place. All the horses of the American artillery were 
either killed or disabled. In danger of being out- 
flanked all the time, the Pennsylvania line was steady, 
and retreated through the woods and across the swamp 
to Green Spring, where it re-formed. 

This charge at Green Spring has always been re- 
garded as the most brilliant example of the character- 
istics of Wayne's military genius. To be sent as he 
was with a small reconnoitring force across a swamp 


passable only by a narrow causeway, to find himself 
confronted by a force five times as large as his own, 
and to escape being surrounded and captured, was a 
feat which required absolute presence of mind on his 
part and the power of deciding in a critical juncture 
what was to be done on the instant, as well as perfect 
discipline in his soldiers. Wayne seems to have had 
that military instinct which led him to see exactly 
what ought to be done at the particular moment, and 
the courage to do it. It was a case in which what ap- 
peared to be rashness was the best — indeed, the only 
— course he could pursue. He had that absolute 
confidence in the courage of his troops which led him 
to undertake what seemed a very bold manoeuvre, per- 
fectly convinced that they would follow wherever he 
should lead. He was blamed by some military critics, 
but the weight of authority was entirely on his side. 
Washington writes to him, — 

"I with the greatest pleasure received the official 
account of the action at Green Spring. The Marquis 
de La Fayette speaks in the handsomest manner of 
your own behavior and that of the troops in the action." 
General Greene, his friend and commander, says, "The 
Marquis gives you glory for your late conduct in the 
action at Jamestown, and I am sensible you merit it. 
It gives me great pleasure to hear of the success of my 
friends, but" (and he here speaks from his own experi- 
ence) " be a little careful and tread sofdy, for, depend 
upon it, you have a modern Hannibal to deal with in 
the person of Cornwallis. Oh that I had had you 
with me a few days ago ! your glory and the public 
good might have been greatly advanced." General 


Wayne did not follow Greene's advice to tread " softly 
on the heels of Cornwallis," who was soon shut up in 
Yorktown, whence he "came out to vex his enemies 
no more." One of the most enthusiastic letters which 
Wayne received at this time was from Robert Morris, 
who paints in lively colors the effect of so gallant an 
action as that of Wayne in strengthening the tone of 
public feeling. "We have received," he says, "a full 
report of the action at Green Springs. It is very flat- 
tering to find our troops arrived at that degree of dis- 
cipline which enables them to face with inferior numbers 
that proud foe who have heretofore attempted to treat 
our army with such contempt. It is still more agreea- 
ble to find that this handful of troops have been led 
to the conflict by ofificers revered for their public and 
esteemed for their private conduct through life. I do 
assure you, my worthy friend, that I shall think my 
present toils well rewarded when they enable you and 
your competitors for glory to enjoy the sweets while 
you endure the toils of a military life." 

The following is the official report of the action by 
La Fayette to General Greene, 8th of July, 1781 : 

[From the Pennsylvania Gazette, July 2^, 1781.) 

Head Quarters July 8, 1781 

Sir, — I have the honour to enclose to your Excellency a copy 
of my letter to Maj. General Greene, containing the proceedings 
of the two armies since my last. 

With great respect &c &c 

La Fayette. 

His Excellency the 
President of Congress 


Ambler's Plantation, opposite James River 
July 8, 1781 

Sir, — On the 4th instant the enemy evacuated Williamsburg, 
where some stores fell into our hands, and retired to this place, 
under the cannon of their shipping. The next morning we ad- 
vanced to Bird's Tavern, and part of the Army took post at Nor- 
rell's Mill, about nine miles from the British Camp. 

The 6th I detached an advanced corps under General Wayne, with 
a view of reconnoitring the enemy's situation. Their light parties 
being drawn in, the picquets, which lay close to their encampments, 
were gallantly attacked by some riflemen, whose skill was employed 
to great effect. 

Having ascertained that Lord Cornwallis had sent off his heavy 
baggage under a proper escort, and posted his army in an open field, 
fortified by the shipping, I returned to the detachment which I 
found more generally engaged. A piece of cannon had been at- 
tempted by the Vanguard under Major Galvan, whose conduct de- 
serves high applause. Upon this the whole British Army came out 
and advanced to this wood occupied by General Wayne. His corps 
chiefly composed of Pennsylvanians and some light infantry, did 
not exceed 800 men, with three field pieces, but notwithstanding 
their numbers, at sight of the British Army the troops ran to the 
rencontre; a short skirmish ensued with a close, warm, and well 
directed fire ; but as the enemy's right and left of course greatly out- 
flanked ours I sent General Wayne orders to retire half a mile to 
where Colonels Vose and Barber's light infantry battalions had 
arrived by a most rapid move, and where I directed them to form. 
In this position they remained till some hours in the night. The 
militia under General Lawson had advanced and the continentals 
were at Norrell's mill, when the enemy retreated during the night to 
James island, which they also evacuated, crossing over to the south 
side of the river. The ground at this place and the island was suf- 
ficiently occupied by General Muhlenburg. A number of valuable 
horses were left on their retreat. From every account the enemy's 
loss has been very great, and much pains taken to conceal it. Their 
light infantry, the brigade of guards, and two British regiments 
formed the first line ; the remainder of their army the second. — 
The cavalry were drawn up but did not charge. 



By the enclosed return you will see what part of General Wayne's 
detachment suffered most. The services rendered by the officers 
make me happy to think that although many were wounded we lost 
none. Most of the field officers had their horses killed ; the same 
accident to every horse of two field pieces made it impossible to 
move them, unless men had been sacrificed. 

But it is enough for the glory of General Wayne and the officers 
and men he commanded, with a reconnoitring party only to have 
attacked the whole British Army close to their encampment, and 
by this severe skirmish hastened their retreat over the river. 

Colonel Boyer of the riflemen is a prisoner. 

I have the honour to be &c &c 

La Fayette. 

Major-General Greene. 

[From the Pennsylvania Gazette, August i, 178 1.) 

" Extract from the Marquis La Fayette's General orders. 

"Ambler's Plantation, opposite James River, July 8, 1781. 

"The General is happy in acknowledging the spirit of the de- 
tachment commanded by General Wayne in their engagement with 
the total of the British Army, of which he happened to be an eye 
witness. He requests General Wayne, the officers and men under 
his command, to receive [torn] best thanks. 

" The bravery and destructive fire of the riflemen engaged, rendered 
essential service. 

" The brilliant conduct of Major Galvan and the Continental de- 
tachment under his command, entitle them to applause. 

" The conduct of the Pennsylvania field and other officers are new 
instances of their gallantry and talents. The fire of the light infan- 
try under Major Willis checked the enemy's progress round our right 
flank. The General was much pleased with the conduct of Captain 
Savage, of the Artillery, and it is with pleasure he also observes, that 
nothing but the loss of horses could have produced that of the two 
field pieces. — The zeal of Colonel Mercer's little corps is hand- 
somely expressed in the number of horses he had killed." 

The following letters show the care taken by General 
Wayne of his wounded officers : 


Providence Forge loth July 1781 
My dear Friends, — Gratitude Duty & Inclination independent 
of those principles which ought to Inform every humane heart, leads 
me to use every possible exertion to render Gent'n (who have so 
honorably & freely bled in the defence of the Liberties of this 
Country) as comfortable as Circumstances will admit of, be assured 
that nothing but the most positive assurance of your being so would 
have prevented me from using every exertion to have you properly 
supplied & attended to 

It is but this moment I was informed of the inattention which 
you have experienced — & have fallen upon the only means in my 
power to remedy it by directing the Commissioners of the County 
to supply you with those Comforts which wounded Officers are en- 
titled to, & if the County will not pay it to place it to my acct. — 
I shall be happy to hear from you often & wish you to Command 
my services on every Occasion 

That you may soon recover from your wounds & restored to your 
anxious friends is the sincere wish of your most 

Obt & very 

Hum Sert — 

Ant'y Wayne. 

The Wounded Officers to General Wayne. 

Sir, — We have ben Hon'd with y'r kind inquire respecting Our 
health, and situation, generously ofering to Supply our wants, even 
at your own expense — Altho' our accommodations have ben but 
indiferent owing to the Inhospittality of the people, and a neglect 
in the heads of the medical department for this State — we did not 
think it concistent with the character of soldiers to give uneasiness 
to a Gentleman whos known generrosity, and Parental care, has 
endeared him to evry officer and Soldier under his com'd, and 
remov'd evry doubt of his Indefatigable assiduity to render their 
Situation Happy — We at present have a prospect of being Supply'd 
with evry thing necesary to render our Situation as comfortable as 
the climate will admit of. 

It is the opinion of the Surgeons that a cooler Climate would be 
more friendly, and tend to expedite the rejoining our commands; 


Strongly recommending our repairing to Penns'a until the heat of 
the season is over. 

If such an expedient should meet with your Approbation, our 
reliance must be in you to enable us to procead in character. 

A light waggon for the purpose of transporting our Baggage, 
and orders to Draw Forage would be necessary, whether we can 
be supply'd with Horses, and Sadies, without y'r Friendly Aid is 
uncertain — 

The Marquis was so good as to send one of his Aides to inquire 
after our wants, we informed him of our Difficulty respecting 
Horses &c., he said we should be supply'd, but we fear the multi- 
plicity of buisness has prevented his recollecting the promise — 

In Short, sir, our Dependance is on you, to equip us for the Tour 
to the North, hoping to return in a short time and prove our selves 
worthy the notice of that General whose Ambition is to reward the 

In the mean time beg leave with evry Sentiment of Esteem, to 
Subscribe ourselves * 

Sir y'r 

verry Humble Serv'ts 

W. Finney 

and Companions 
Hanover 12th Aug't 1781 

Gen Wayne 

After the engagement at Green Spring Lord Corn- 
wallis retired to Portsmouth, on the south side of the 
James, and began to fortify himself there. La Fayette, 
fearing that further raids might be made by detach- 
ments of British troops into the interior of the country 
for the destruction of military stores and other prop- 
erty, or that Cornwallis might decide to retire into 
North Carolina, ordered Wayne to cross the river at 
Westover' and take post at Cabin Point, on the road 

' On his leaving Westover, then, as now, the stateliest of all the 
colonial houses in Virginia, Mrs. Byrd, the widow of the former 


between Norfolk and Petersburg, so that any attempt 
to retire on the part of Cornwallis might be frustrated. 
But the days of Cornwallis's raids and forays in Vir- 
ginia, as well as the time for his safe retreat, were at 
last over. He had received orders from Sir Henry 
Clinton, about the time that Wayne crossed at West- 
over, to select the most advantageous post at the 
mouth of the Chesapeake and fortify his position, 
placing himself in ready communication with the fleet, 
which was expected to aid him in his operations. The 
place which he selected, in pursuance of these orders, 
but contrary to his own judgment, which pointed to a 
retreat into North Carolina as the proper course to be 
taken, was, as is well known, Yorktown. The cam- 
paign in Virginia, from which the English ministry had 
hoped such great things, was a disastrous one, owing 
to the active and enterprising opposition made by La 
Fayette and Wayne. 

All the interest in the great drama which was to ter- 
minate in the ignominious surrender of the troops they 
had been pursuing during the summer becomes from 
this time concentrated on the siege of Yorktown. Each 
separate part of the complicated plan which had been 
arranged by Washington for the destruction of Corn- 
wallis seemed to work in wonderful harmony with the 
rest. All moved forward together with the certainty of 
an inexorable fate. On the 25th of August Washing- 
ton crossed the Hudson on his march to lower Virginia, 
the rear of his army being reinforced by the French 
troops under Rochambeau lately stationed at Newport. 

proprietor, wrote General Wayne a note thanking him for his great 
kindness and expressing her good wishes. 


On the same day De Barras sailed with the French 
fleet from Newport for the Chesapeake, carrying with 
them the stores for the troops and the siege-artillery. 
On the 30th of August De Grasse with another French 
fleet coming from the West Indies, carrying three thou- 
sand troops under Saint-Simon, anchored safely in 
Hampton Roads before Admirals Graves and Hood, 
the English admirals, reached the Virginia capes. 
These troops were landed a few days later at Burwell's 
Ferry.' On the same day the fleet of De Barras, which 
had also just arrived in the Chesapeake, formed a 
junction with that of De Grasse, and the combined 
fleet (far superior in the number of ships) went to sea 
in search of the English squadron under Graves and 
Hood. The French so much damaged the English 
fleet off the mouth of the Chesapeake as to insure its 
non-intervention during the siege of Yorktown. Thus 
it appears that by a most remarkable coincidence — or 
shall we not say by a wonderful providential interpo- 
sition ? — all Washington's plans were successfully car- 
ried out, and the larger portion of the force which was 
to crush Cornwallis arrived within striking distance of 
Yorktown with a precision hitherto unknown in mili- 
tary history. During these five days while events were 
hastening to a crisis. La Fayette received from Wash- 
ington a confidential communication telling him of the 
proposed combined action of his own army and its 

'''Went down with Stewart and saw the landing of the French 
troops on James Island. Mortifying and surprising sight to two 
British flag ships that lay at this place who never heard the least 
whisper of this great event until the troops and vessels were among 
them." — Richard Butler' s Diary, September 2, lySi. 


French allies with the French fleet at the mouth of the; 
Chesapeake. This was all that was needed to induce 
La Fayette to take every precaution to oppose with 
his own troops and those of Wayne any attempt on 
the part of Cornwallis to escape into North Carolina. 
They awaited with anxious impatience the arrival of 
Washington and Rochambeau. 

Before the arrival of Rochambeau General Wayne 
wrote as follows to Robert Morris : 

Williamsburg 14th Sept. 1781. 

The arrival of the Count De Grasse with a large fleet of Men of 
War &c must have been announced in Phil'a long before this will 
reach you ; I wish that the State of our Magazines &c had been 
such as to enable us to Improve the moment of his Arrival, but it 
was not nor is not even at this moment. 

I don't know how it is, but I have not felt so sanguine on the 
Occasion — as the naval & land force sent us by our good & great ally 
would justify — probably it is Occasioned by our former disappoint- 
ments when matters bore a flattering appearance. 

Do you know notwithstanding all this that I have been extremely 
uneasy lest the Appearance of a British fleet off" this Cape should 
Induce the Count to follow them too far & leave an Opening for the 
British to enter — to his exclusion. Admiral Hood with 8 (?) sail of 
the Line last Wednesday week made His appearance. The Count 
De Grasse with zaSail weighed anchor 14 of which Engaged Hood — 
the Other could not get up in time. 4 Sail of the Line were left to 
defend the entrance of the Cheseapeake. 

The British admiral fled too soon for anything but an act of 
Choice — may he not wish to draw De Grasse towards New York & 
expose the French fleet to the Eff'ects of the Equinoctial Storm, 
whilst the british lay snug in harbour — The Count D'Estaing 
was taken in by Lord Howe — this time three years ago — partly in 
the same manner — but it cannot — it must not be the case now. 

Unless fortune is uncommonly unkind Lord Cornwallis & his 
Army must submit to the Combined force of France & America, his 
numbers are more than is Generally given out, we shall find them 


very little short of 7000, taking in the Marines there are at least 
6000 Combatants officers included exclusive of negroes — so that 
During the Absence of the Count De Grasse, who has a large body 
of marines on board Destined to act with us — 

The french troops are the finest & best made body of men I ever 
beheld — their Officers and Gen'l & I will be answerable for their 
being soldiers, we have the highest Opinion of their Discipline & 
can not doubt \\\t\x prowess — (?) 

[To RoBT. Morris, Esqr.] ' 

On the 2d of September an unfortunate accident hap- 
pened to Wayne which very nearly deprived him of 
the glory of participating in the siege of Yorktown. 
He had occasion one evening to visit the camp of La 
Fayette, when one of the sentries mistaking him for an 
enemy fired his musket and wounded the general in the 
fleshy part of the leg. But no wound could check his 
ardor or his enterprise on the eve of the great events 
which he knew were about to transpire. He writes to 
Mr. Peters on the 12th of September "that if powder 
enough had been put into the cartridge, the ball which 
grazed the bone would have gone through his leg." 
He tells him that " this caitiff'' (a favorite expletive 
with him) "disorder is now leaving me, and I shall in a 
few days take an active and interesting command in 
despite of the ball, and hope to participate in the glory 
attending the capture of Lord Cornwallis and his ma- 
rauding army." It is interesting to notice, by the way, 
the expression of the good feeling of the officers called 
out by this misfortune of their general. In his private 

' There seem to be some omissions in this rough draught of the 
letter sent to Mr. Morris, but it is so characteristic that it has been 
thought best to print it without any attempt to supply the omissions. 


diary bold Richard Butler, who had so often been 
Wayne's chosen comrade in deadliest peril, writes, 
"The wound is mortifying to this good officer, and to 
the troops he commands, who love him, and wish his 
presence with them in the field on all occasions." 

Wayne and his colonels seem to have been the first 
American officers to welcome the French troops under 
M. de Saint-Mame, brought by the fleet of the Comte de 
Grasse, and to aid them in selecting a suitable place for 
an encampment near Williamsburg. They seem to have 
been very soon on pleasant terms with the strangers. 

On the 26th of September Washington's army, with 
the French auxiliaries under Rochambeau, reached Wil- 
liamsburg. Washington was received with the high- 
est honors by the newly-arrived French troops, and 
they and the Americans soon became very effusive 
in the expression of their joy that they were engaged 
in a common enterprise under such a general, which 
promised to be so successful and to produce such 
brilliant results. The officers of each army vied in 
their efforts to entertain worthily those of the other. 
Butler speaks in his diary of one of these entertain- 
ments, where an elegant band of music played " an in- 
troductive part" of a French opera, " signifying the 
happiness of the family when blessed with the presence 
of the father," — a singular mixture of sentiment with 
warlike surroundings.' 

' The opera referred to is probably the once famous opera of 
"Lucille," by Gr6try, at that time very popular in Paris. It con- 
tained the well-known song, — 

" Oti a-t-on plus de bonheur 
Qu'au sein de sa famille," etc. 


There was nothing specially noteworthy in the part 
taken by the Pennsylvania line under Wayne at York- 
town. His two battalions, containing about seven 
hundred men, were brigaded as heretofore with Col- 
onel Gaskin's Virginia battalion, and formed part of 
the division under Von Steuben. The third battalion 
of Pennsylvanians, under Colonel Craig, arrived too 
late to take part in the siege, and so did General St. 
Clair. The storming and capture of the two redoubts, 
the only operation attended with serious danger, was 
not assigned to the Pennsylvania line, but two of its 
battalions supported the attack. The truth is, the su- 
periority of the allies in numbers, and the skill with 
which they made use of their siege-artillery, made the 
surrender of Cornwallis as certain as any event in war 
could be. On the 1 7th of October the enemy beat the 
cha7nade at ten o'clock. Negotiations for the surrender 
immediately followed, and on the 19th the garrison be- 
came prisoners of war, and Cornwallis's army was no 

The news of the capitulation was received with un- 
bounded joy all through the country ; but it seemed to 
be the signal, as victories in the past had been, not for 
renewed efforts, but for a relaxation of the vigor and 
energy with which the war had been prosecuted. As 

' To show the strange course which the amenities of civilized 
warfare take, we insert a note of Lord Cornwallis to General Wayne 
declining the latter's invitation to dinner : 

"Lord Cornwallis presents his compliments to General Wayne, 
and is sorry he cannot have the pleasure of waiting upon him to-mor- 
row, being engaged to dine with the Count Saint Maime. 

"Nov. ist." 


after Saratoga and after Monmouth, many believed that 
peace was not only well assured, but that it was nigh 
at hand ; a most fatal delusion, which added to the cost 
of our independence many lives and much treasure. It 
is worth while to reproduce here a letter from General 
Wayne, one from Colonel Walter Stewart, and another 
from his trusty chaplain, Rev. David Jones, explaining 
the condition of feeling in Congress and the Assembly 
of Pennsylvania after the surrender of Yorktown. 

General Wayne to Robert Aforris. 

York, 26th Octr. 1781 

The surrender of Lord Cornwallis with his Fleet & Army must 
have been announced in your city before this period 

It is an event of the utmost consequence & if properly Improved 
may be productive of a Glorious & happy peace ; but if we suffer 
that unworthy torpor & supineness to seize us, which but too much 
pervaded the Councils of America after the Surrender of Gen'l Bur- 
goyne, we may yet experience great Difficulties, — for believe me it 
was not to the exertions of America, that we owe the Reduction of 
this modern Hannibal, nor shall we always have it in our power to 
Command the aid of 37 sail of the Line & 8000 Auxiliary veterans — 
Our allies have learned, that on this Occasion, our regular troops 
were not more than equal to one half their Land force : and altho' 
our prowess was such as to establish our Character as Soldiers — our 
means & numbers were far inadequate to the Idea they had formed 
of American resources 

Yet the Resources of this Country are great & if Councils will 
call them forth we may produce a Conviction to the World that we 
deserve to be free — for my own part, I am such an Enthusiast for In- 
dependence, that I would hesitate to enter heaven thro' the means 
of a secondary cause unless I had made the utmost exertions to merit it. 

The Pennsylvanians with some other troops have another field of 
glory in view — if successful you'l soon hear from us, till when & 
ever believe me yours 

Most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne. 


I dare not commit myself to paper — I wish you could take a 
prospective view of us for a few moments, you then would better 
understand me. 

[To Rob't Morris, Esq.] 

Colonel Stewart to General Wayne. 

Philad'a Dec. 24, 1781 

My Dear General, — . . . As you dreaded, our chimney corner 
soldiers in this place immediately on the capture of Cornwallis took 
up the opinion that the war was at an end. Congress were full of 
the idea of reduction, but this Gen'l Washington put a stop to ex- 
cept in the General officers. The number necessary for the army he 
is to mention, and Gen'l Lincoln our Secretary at War is to nomi- 
nate those who remain. I have not yet heard the number mentioned, 
nor the mode by which Lincoln will proceed to retain them in the 
service. He must I think do it agreeable to their rank as he will 
hardly attempt to leave out Superior and keep in inferior officers. 
Those who retire go on half-pay for life, but I am much afraid it 
will be very hard to come at. 

Morris has no prospect of paying the Army nor do I believe that 
it will be in his power for a long time — All those officers who held 
Brevet Commissions and were not attached to any line have their 
accounts settled and one fifth of their pay given them ; the rest they 
fund with Mr. Morris at six per cent. All the French engineers 
who were at York in the service of America have got a step in rank. 
Portail is a Major-General, Gouvion a Colonel &c — Knox is try- 
ing hard for the Major General's commission, and is backed by the 
General. 'Tis at present doubtful, but you know our "grand body" 
cannot withstand regular approaches, and perseverance, both of 
which I am of opinion will be used in the present case. Indeed as 
they have broke through all rules in the present appointments, I 
think they ought and will attend to Knox, whose merits are Equal 
to any of the newly promoted. 

Our Legislature have done nothing. Their whole session has 
been employed in the investigation of the election which I am told 
will prove a villainous one and will criminate in a high degree Gen- 
eral Lacey. They have now adjourned until February and God 
knows what they will do on their meeting. 


Philad'a is not as agreeable this winter as it has been, & I am 
sorry to tell you our cloth is not as much attended to as they were 
formerly. Be assured, the Army is the place for sociability, friend- 
ship, and happiness. You need not expect to see any recruits 
shortly from this State as there are no measures whatever pursuing 
to raise them. 

Yours sincerely 

Walter Stewart. 

Chaplain 'yones to General Wayne. 

Philad'a Dec 28, 1781 
Dear General, — It would take a large volume to give you a 
sketch of our public matters in the State of Penn'a, in short, noth- 
ing is done by our civil officers that answer any good purpose for the 
Army — Our taxes are insupportable, and all seems likely to be con- 
sumed in support of civil government. The old adage is true, " Out 
of sight out of mind." I know not when you will receive any 
thing, the Financier says, as I am informed. All the money lately 
borrowed from France will be little enough to pay the contractors 
for the Army — None can be spared for the pay of the Army — 
This should be collected by taxes, but alas ! hard money is heavy, 
not to be drawn from the Treasury — What is lamentable is that 
our civil officers receive their pay, but no period is fixed to pay the 
Army. To-day the Assembly rise, and I believe they have done 
little more than quarrel about the election. I know not when it 
will be in my power to return, as I can get no money. Mrs. Wayne 
spent Wednesday evening at my house she is hearty. ... I have no 
pleasure in Penn'a at present. In the Army there is some Virtue 


David Jones — 



On the ist of November a detachment consisting 
of Colonel Butler's, Colonel Walter Stewart's, and 
Colonel Craig's battalions of the Pennsylvania line 
and Colonel Gist's Maryland battalion, was ordered 
to leave Williamsburg and reinforce General Greene's 
army in South Carolina. These troops were com- 
manded by Wayne as brigadier- and St. Clair as major- 
general. On the 4th of January, 1782, this detach- 
ment joined General Greene at Round O in South 
Carolina. Passing by General St. Clair, Greene sent 
Wayne into Georgia with a very small force with gen- 
eral instructions to re-establish as far as might be pos- 
sible the authority of the United States within that 
State. To understand fully Wayne's position and 
operations in the campaign that followed, some ex- 
planation of the condition of affairs at that time in 
Georgia is needed. 

The people of that State were then utterly demoral- 
ized and impoverished by the partisan warfare which 
had been so long waged within its limits. The peculiar 
distress of the inhabitants was due quite as much to 
the bitter, malignant hatred subsisting between the 
Whiors and Tories of the State, with both of whom the 
cruel custom of putting people to death after surren- 
der prevailed, as to the operations of the British army. 


The population was sparse and scattered, and no set- 
tled law was recognized or obeyed. Taxes could not 
be collected, and the poverty of the State was such 
that the Legislature in 1782 passed a law authorizing 
the governor to seize upon the first ten negroes he 
could find, sell them, and appropriate the proceeds to 
the payment of his salary. Yet this was the same Legis- 
lature that was so penetrated with gratitude for the 
services of General Wayne in rescuing the State from 
the enemy, and in restoring peace, law, and order, that 
they voted thirty-nine hundred guineas for the purchase 
of the confiscated rice-plantation of Sir James Wright, 
the last royal governor of the colony, to be presented 
to General Wayne in the name of the people of 

Wayne began his campaign by recommending to the 
governor (Martin), in accordance with General Greene's 
instructions, that he should issue a proclamation offer- 
ing pardon and protection to those Tories of the State 
who had been aiding the British and oppressing their 
neighbors, on condition that they would make their sub- 
mission by a certain date. This proclamation, as it an- 
nounced the policy to be pursued towards the adherents 
of the royal government in the event of the success 
of the American arms, doubtless helped to weaken 
the force of the enemy in the interior. In the mean 
time active preparations were made by Wayne for a 
campaign which should subdue all active resistance. 

Wayne's force in Georgia consisted of about one 
hundred of Moylan's dragoons, a detachment of field 
artillery, a body of three hundred mounted men from 
Sumter's brigade, under Colonel Hampton, Jackson's 


and McCoy's volunteers, amounting to one hundred 
and seventy men, and such of the miHtIa as the gov- 
ernor of Georgia could induce to take the field. For 
the first time during the Revolutionary struggle Wayne 
was separated from his long-tried and well-trained com- 
rades of the Pennsylvania line, who were retained in 
South Carolina by General Greene. He felt their loss 
sorely, as he tells the general, •' Pray give me an ad- 
ditional number of Penn'a troops. I will be content 
with one battalion of Pennsylvanians. They can bring 
on their own field equipage without breaking in upon 
any part of the Army. I will candidly acknowledge 
that I have extraordinary confidence and attachment in 
the officers and men who have fouofht and bled with 
me during so many campaigns. Therefore if they can 
be spared you will much oblige me." With the paltry 
force at his disposal (raw and inexperienced troops for 
the most part) he was expected to subdue not only the 
English garrison at Savannah, composed of thirteen 
hundred regulars, five hundred militia, an indefinite 
number of refugees, and the Indians their allies, Creeks 
and Cherokees. Savannah, however, was the only 
post which was garrisoned by any considerable force of 
the enemy. To isolate this garrison from the rest of 
the State, and particularly from its Indian allies in the 
interior, was Wayne's first object. 

He took post at Ebenezer, twenty-five miles above 
Savannah, on the river. He drew a line from this 
point to the Ogeechee, intending to cut off the gar- 
rison from its supplies as well as from aid from the 
hostile Indians. His force was too small effectually 
to guard this line, and General Clarke, the commandant 


at Savannah, attempted to destroy by fire all the food 
for man and beast to be found within the circle, and 
thus force Wayne to abandon his position. Wayne suc- 
ceeded, however, not merely in preventing a junction 
between the English and the Creek Indians outside, 
but also in defeating each party in detail as it attacked 

Thus, on the 19th of February, 1782, he decoyed by 
stratagem a large party of Indians coming from the 
interior within his power, and, after taking from them a 
considerable amount of the provisions which they were 
carrying to Savannah, sent them back to tell their own 
tribesmen that Savannah would certainly be captured 
by the Americans, and that the best policy for the 
Indians would be to remain neutral. A considerable 
force from the Savannah garrison came out to support 
the Indians; but, finding that they were too late, they 
retired. So, again, on the 21st of May, the garrison, 
under Colonel Brown, made a sortie in considerable 
numbers. To repel them Wayne was obliged to march 
at night more than four miles over a narrow causeway 
crossing a swamp to reach the enemy's camp. But he 
felt, as he characteristically says, "that the success of 
a night attack depends more on the prowess of the 
men than their numbers," — one of his war maxims, by 
the way, on which he constantly acted. His vanguard 
charged with the utmost impetuosity the English force, 
and the result was the defeat and dispersion of Colonel 
Brown's party, consisting of a large body of cavalry 
and a detachment of regular infantry and of Indians. 

He gives the following account of the difficulties and 

hardships of this short campaign : 



" It is now upwards of five weeks since we entered 
this State, and during that period not an officer or sol- 
dier with me has undressed for the purpose of changing 
his Hnen ; nor do the enemy lay on beds of down. 

"The duty done by us in Georgia was more difficult 
than that imposed upon the children of Israel. They 
had only to make bricks without straw, but we have 
had provisions, forage, and almost every other apparatus 
of war to procure without money ; boats, bridges, &c. 
to build without materials except those taken from 
the stumps, and what was more difficult than all, to 
make Whigs out of Tories. But this we have effected 
and have wrested the country out of the hands of the 
enemy with the exception only of the town of Sa- 

On the 24th of May some of the more violent of the 
Creek Indians coming from a great distance in the in- 
terior, who had not listened to the advice which he had 
sent them to remain neutral, made an attempt to sur- 
prise Wayne's camp at Sharon, within a short distance 
from the enemy's lines. These Indians were led by 
Guristersijo, the principal warrior of the Creeks, and 
attacked Wayne's camp suddenly with great fierceness 
on the night of the 24th. Wayne's troops recoiled for 
a few minutes, and lost some of their guns, but they 
soon rallied and advanced to the charge, supported by 
Colonel Posey and Major Finley, who attacked them on 
the right flank with such irresistible vigor that the sav- 
ages were totally routed and driven into the swamp 
and their chief, Guristersijo, was slain. This, like the 
other attacks on Wayne's force, was a combined action 
on the part of the English and the Indians. As soon 


as it was daylight the British made their appearance, 
but they were soon driven back into the lines of Sa- 
vannah by a vigorous assault. " Our trophies," says 
Wayne, "are an elegant standard, 107 horses with a 
number of packs, arms, &c. and more horses are hourly 
secured and broueht in. Such was the determined 
bravery with which the Indians fought that after I had 
cut down one of their chiefs, with his last breath he 
drew his trigger and shot my noble horse dead under 

The result of these battles decided the fate of Georgia. 
It is true that the British Ministry, after the vote of the 
House of Commons denouncing a continuance of the 
war, in February, 1782, regarded the question of aban- 
doning Savannah and Charleston as one of time only, 
yet neither place was given up until the commanders 
were forced to do so by the success of the military 
operations of the Americans. Savannah was evacuated 
on the nth of July, and Charleston in December of 
that year, and Wayne was at the head of the forces 
which took possession of both places. 

The campaign of Wayne in Georgia was the only 
one which had been completely under his own superin- 
tendence and direction. It was regarded on all hands, 
at that time, not merely as most brilliant in its results, 
but as exhibiting generalship and military skill in a 
wonderful degree. He was no longer spoken of as 
" Mad Anthony," for his achievements made him worthy 
to rank as a strategist with Turenne or the Duke of 
Marlborough. That such a small force as his, made 
up for the most part of raw and inexperienced volun- 
teers, interposed between the garrison at Savannah and 


its allies the warlike Creeks and Cherokees, should so 
manoeuvre as to defeat each of these hostile bodies in 
turn while they were attempting to support each other, 
three times in three months, and compel at last the 
evacuation of Savannah, the stronghold of the enemy 
in Georgia, was regarded by every one as due to the 
inspiration of a military genius of the very highest 
order. Nowhere was Wayne a greater hero than 
among the people whom he had rescued from insup- 
portable anarchy in so short a time. Georgia showed 
her gratitude, as we have said, by giving out of her 
poverty thirty-nine hundred guineas to purchase an 
estate for her deliverer. The contrast between this 
treatment and that of Pennsylvania of her illustrious 
son is thus characteristically spoken of by Wayne's old 
friend and comrade Richard Butler: "It gives great 
satisfaction to the generous souls among your friends 
here to think that the people of more Southern climes 
have paid some deference to your merits, and have 
demonstrated it in a more solid manner than empty 
poor praise. This is an ardcle of no more worth here 
than the Continental currency." 

The British army having evacuated Savannah, Wayne 
was ordered by General Greene to return with his force 
to South Carolina to aid in the reduction of Charleston. 
He left Georgia in August, 1782, bearing with him 
kind wishes from the grateful hearts of its inhabitants, 
and an expression of the great esteem in which his 
military qualities and his kind and considerate treat- 
ment of the troops under his command were held by 
all the officers of the auxiliary force which had served 
with him. He was also much gratified at the conclu- 


sion of his labors by the receipt of a letter from General 
Greene in which the latter thus expresses his apprecia- 
tion of the value of his services during the campaign. 
He had at all times the support and sympathy of his 

General Greene to General Wayne — Extract. 

Head Quarters 
Ashley River July 14, 1782 

Dear Sir, — I am very happy to hear that the enemy have left 
Savannah, and congratulate you most heartily on the event. I have 
forwarded an account thereof to Congress and the Commander in 
chief expressive of your singular merit & exertions during your com- 
mand and doubt not that it will merit their entire approbation as it 
does mine. 

There was, indeed, no dissenting voice in any quarter 
either as to the brilliant results of the campaign or as 
to the skill and bravery with which it had been con- 
ducted by Wayne. He had, truth to say, just then 
much need of sympathy and encouragement. The 
war was over, and with it was gone, as he felt, all 
opportunity of gaining further distinction as a sol- 
dier. Almost immediately after his retirement to South 
Carolina he was attacked by a form of fever which has 
always proved dangerous to unacclimated whites on 
that low coast. During the three autumnal months the 
ranks of his little army were fearfully thinned by this 
plague, and he himself was so utterly prostrated by the 
disease that, although he recovered his health measura- 
bly, he never afterwards regained his full strength and 
vigor. As soon as he was able to take the field he ap- 
plied for active service. In the beginning of December 
the light infantry of the army and the legionary corps 


formerly commanded by Colonel Harry Lee were added 
to his force by General Greene. The number of Penn- 
sylvania troops serving in South Carolina was so re- 
duced by disease and by casualties of all kinds that 
those who survived were consolidated into one battalion. 
All that were left were about six hundred men who 
had enlisted for the war, and one hundred and fifty 
eighteen-months men. At this time (December, 1782) 
Richard Butler, who was in charge of the recruiting 
depots in Pennsylvania, wrote to General Wayne that 
in these depots there were more than eighteen hundred 
enlisted men for the infantry, besides a considerable 
number of men engaged for the cavalry and the artillery. 
But they were not sent on, the State authorities de- 
clininof to do so under the fatal delusion which had so 
often misled them, that their services would not be 
needed, and therefore that it would be useless to incur 
any further expense in preparing them for the field. 
No more men were engaged, and those who had been 
recruited were not paid. 

During the winter General Wayne was engaged in 
negotiating a treaty of peace with the Creeks and 
Cherokee Indians at Augusta, which completed his 
work of the pacification of Georgia. 

In October, 1783, he was appointed by Congress 
major-general by brevet on the recommendation of the 
Executive Council of Pennsylvania. It is not a little 
singular that a man recognized on all hands as one of 
the most skilful and successful officers of the army, one 
who had performed for several years most satisfactorily 
the duties of a major-general, should have gone through 
the war with the rank of brigadier-general only. It is 


due to the State authorities of Pennsylvania to say that 
this apparent neglect was caused by no want of effort 
on their part to force a recognition of his merits upon 
Congress. Indeed, it can hardly be said that the blame 
should rest on that body for not according him the rank 
to which his great services seemed to entitle him. The 
difficulty arose from the vicious system of promotion 
which had been adopted by Congress early in the war 
in order to avoid exciting jealousy on the part of the 
States which furnished most men for the army. The 
rule was that the generals should be assigned to each 
State in proportion to the number of men it sent into 
the field. Pennsylvania had two major-generals very 
early in the war, — Mifflin and St. Clair. It is true that 
her troops garrisoning Fort Pitt, Sunbury, and Fort 
Stanwix were in number large enough to form an- 
other brigade, as has been said, and to entitle Wayne, 
who was the senior brigadier, to promotion ; yet Con- 
gress persistently ignored the claim of Wayne on such 
grounds, and at last was forced to make him a major- 
general by brevet, in consideration of the extraordinary 
value of his services. 

Of this half-hearted and hesitating recognition of his 
services Wayne seems never to have complained. It 
was not his way. He and his comrades seem to have 
been much more affected by the unkind and ungen- 
erous suspicions which were expressed by selfish and 
unscrupulous politicians concerning the motives and 
intentions of those who had established the Society of 
the Cincinnati. 

Few things are more discreditable in the history of 
the Revolution than the aspersion of the character of 


those who had brought about the triumphant result, 
because they saw fit at the close of the war to establish 
a fraternal association among the survivors to aid each 
other in time of need, and to keep alive in their children 
the memory of their heroic deeds. The sorrow and 
indignation with which two of the most distinguished 
veterans of that war regarded this attempt to heap 
odium on them are aptly expressed in the following 
letters of General William Irvine and General Wayne : 

General Irvine to General Wayne. 

Carlisle April 28, 1784 
Dear General, — The Society of the Cincinnati is now bandied 
about in this quarter, and held up as a growing evil of vast impor- 
tance — in short as the fore-runner of the entire loss of liberty. For 
this purpose and to favor the Constitution Mr. Burk's performance 
is sent from Philadelphia to all true friends in the State, and propa- 
gated as a warning to rouse jealousy & enrage the populace against 
the members. I was informed yesterday that a scheme is on foot if 
the election can be carried, to disfranchise every member of the 
Society as a preparation ; in case they have spirit to resent — to drive 
every soul out of the State. How true this is I will not venture to 
say, but sure I am that there is base ingratitude enough interwoven 
in the constitution of a majority of the multitude to prompt them 
to greater Villainy than can well be imagined, and it is too melan- 
choly a fact that there are not a few of their leaders of similar dis- 
positions, and the bulk of the people have acquired the extreme 
liberty they now enjoy on too easy terms to feel the real use or bene- 
fit of peace, and instead of gratitude to those who have not only 
done the business, but are almost the only sufferers, look upon them 
as nuisances which must at all events be removed out of the way. 

General Wayne to General Irvine. 

Waynesborough, 18 May 1784 
Dear General, — The revolution of America is an event that will 
fill the brightest page of history to the end of time. The conduct 


of her officers and soldiers will be handed down to the latest ages as 
a model of virtue perseverance & bravery. The smallness of their 
numbers, and the unparalleled hardships & excess of difficulties 
that they have encountered in the defense of this country from her 
coldest to her hottest sun, places them in a point of view hurtful to 
the eyes of the leaders of faction & party, who possess neither the 
virtue nor the fortitude to meet the enemy in the field, and seeing 
the involuntary deference yet paid by the bulk of the people to 
the gentlemen of the army, — envy, that green-eyed monster, will 
stimulate them to seize with avidity every opportunity (or rather 
pretext) to depreciate the merits of those who have filled the breach, 
and bled at every pore. Nor is Caitiff ingratitude the growth of any 
particular country or climate. The Republics of Greece & Rome 
furnish precedents innumerable for them to go upon, and the order 
of the Cincinnati was a favorable opening for them to enter, wliich 
with the sophistical & labored performance of an angry & disap- 
pointed man has served as a baneful medicine to poison the minds of 
the people & prejudice them against us. 

General Wayne was elected president of the Georgia 
State Society of the Cincinnati July 5, 1790. 

In June, 1783, the soldiers of the army received six 
months' furlough, and in December following they were 
discharged, as a definitive treaty of peace had In the 
mean time been agreed upon. The soldiers in the 
Pennsylvania line received for the three months' pay 
due them notes of the nominal value of twenty shillings, 
but worth, really, but two shillings to the pound. Some 
recruits at the depot at Lancaster, indignant at their 
dishonest treatment, came In a body to Philadelphia as 
soon as they received their furlough, to demand justice, 
or what was equivalent to it, their just dues. So far as 
appears, there never was any attempt on the part of 
these men to overawe Congress by force. They used 
no threats of violence, but they insisted, as was right 


and natural, that the contract made with them should 
be observed. Some members of Congress became 
alarmed, frightened possibly, and that body agreed to 
adjourn to Princeton, alleging that their liberty was 
restrained by a mob in Philadelphia. Had there been 
any real cause of alarm, the means of quelling any dis- 
turbance were at hand. President Dickinson (the gov- 
ernor of the State), it is true, did not call out the militia, 
because it was apparent that as between Congress 
and the soldiers the multitude earnestly supported the 
rightful claims of the latter, and, besides, the people of 
Philadelphia had seen too much of the members of 
Congress during the many years it held its sessions in 
their city to feel any exalted respect for the dignity of 
that body. Had an overt act been committed by the 
discharged recruits (or so-called soldiers) there would 
have been no difficulty in checking them. It so hap- 
pened that the first two companies of Wayne's veterans 
had just arrived from South Carolina, and were quar- 
tered in the city barracks pending their discharge. As 
soon as the alarm was given, these two companies fell 
in to a man and marched to the President's house and 
reported to the general in command.' Doubtless had 
their assistance been required either to protect Con- 
gress from coercion or to guard the money belonging 
to the government which was supposed to have been 
deposited in the bank, they would soon have made 
short work of the Lancaster recruits. 

The prospect that the soldiers on their discharge 
would be left in a pitiable condition of want and suffer- 

' Denny's Journal, p. 257. 


ing excited the sympathy of all those who had profited 
by their labors. Wayne seems to have been impressed 
with the necessity of making (so far as it was in the 
power of the State to do so) their return to civil life 
easy and natural. 

On the 20th of April, 1783, he writes to President 
Dickinson of Pennsylvania, — 

"You are pleased to ask my advice on any thing 
respecting the troops under my command belonging to 
your State ... I fondly flatter myself that the wisdom 
& justice of the Executive and Legislative bodies of 
Penn'a will remove every bar, & open wide the door 
of welcome and receive her returning soldiery with 
open arms and grateful hearts, and I cannot entertain 
a doubt that they on their part will cheerfully & con- 
tentedly resume the garb and the habits of the citizen." 

How these hopes were fulfilled we discover when we 
find that the soldiers when they were disbanded were 
offered about one-tenth of what was due them (two 
shillings or two shillings and sixpence in real value for 
twenty that was due) in full of all demands. 



In the month of July, 1783, General Wayne, after 
having seen the last of the Pennsylvania troops em- 
barked at Charleston for Philadelphia, returned to his 
native State shattered and enfeebled by the fever from 
which he had suffered. From this cause he was unable 
to take part in the final ceremonies which attended 
General Washington's farewell to the army at New 
York. He was also too ill to attend the commander- 
in-chief as he passed through Philadelphia on his way 
to Mount Vernon. 

In anticipation of his return, Dr. Rush wrote him in 
September, 1782, a most kind letter, full of generous 
appreciation of his services, and telling him with what 
honors he would be welcomed on his return to his native 
State by his friends. 

Dr. Rush to General Wayne. 

Philau'a 16 Sep 1782 
My Dear Sir, — The evacuation of Savannah tho' a vohmtary 
act of the enemy was attended with circumstances that have given 
you credit among jour friends. Penn'a loves you. You are one 
of her legitimate children. Let nothing tempt you to abandon her. 
The strangers and the vagabonds who have destroyed her gov't can 
only be deposed by a union of the native and ancient citizens. 
There are honors in store for you here — Chester county claims you. 
Come, my friend, and sit down with the companions of your youth 


under the shade of trees planted with your own hand.' Come and 
let the name of Wayne descend to posterity in your native State. 
If your descendants act as you have done it cannot fail of being 
respected while the sun shines & the rivers flow — 

The exertions of the enemy for some time past have been greatly 
upon the ocean. This City has lost at a moderate computation 
;^8oo,ooo by captures since the first of January. The spirit of the 
ministry, it is true, is changed but the profits of the war are so im- 
mense in New York to Digby & his officers, that we can expect no 
mitigation of our losses at sea, until the sound of peace reaches the 
last British cruiser on our coast. 


Benj. Rush. 

General Wayne to Dr. Rush. 

Charlestown Dec. 24 1782 

Dear Sir, — Want of health & not inclination prevented my ac- 
knowledging your obliging favor of the i6th of Sept'r. On the 
second of that month I was seized with a violent fever, nor have I 
from that period to this hour enjoyed one day's health. Frequent 
emetics & constant application of the Peruvian bark. I have this 
consolation that neither idleness nor dissipation has so injuriously 
affected my constitution, but that it has been broken down and 
nearly exhausted by encountering almost every excess of fatigue diffi- 
culty and danger in the defence of the rights & liberty of America 
from the frozen lakes of Canada to the burning sands of Florida. 

I feel the lively force of friendship with which you so anxiously 
solicit my return to my native State, which I shall eventually do, 
not influenced by the fascinating idea of the honors you say await 
me (for they have lost their power to please) but from a fixed deter- 
mination to revisit my Sabine field where I yet hope to pass many 
happy hours in domestic felicity with a few of our friends unfettered 
by any public employ & consequently unenvied. Until then & 
ever believe me with true affection & esteem. 

Yours &c 

Anth'y Wayne. 

' There was at this time a rumor that it was General Wayne's 
intention to take up his residence in Georgia. 


In the Constitution of Pennsylvania adopted in 1776 
there was a provision pecuHar to that State, creating a 
body to be called the Council of Censors. It was to 
meet every seven years, and two censors were to be 
elected in each county. They had no legislative power, 
but their duty was to inquire whether the Constitution 
had since their last meeting been preserved inviolate, 
whether the taxes levied had been duly collected, and 
whether the laws of the State generally had been exe- 
cuted. This body had the power, in case it found that 
there had been any violation or neglect of the provi- 
sions of the Constitution or laws by the other branches 
of the government, to pass censure upon the offending 
party, and to recommend to the Assembly the repeal of 
all such laws as might appear to have been enacted 
contrary to the Constitution, and, two-thirds consenting, 
a revision of that instrument by a convention. 

Wayne was elected a member of the Council of 
Censors in 1783, and consequently held that position 
immediately after the conclusion of the war. It will be 
readily understood that to perform the functions de- 
volved upon it at such a time, which was nothing less 
than the substitution of legislation proper for a time of 
peace for that which had prevailed during the war, 
called for statesmanlike skill and prudence of no ordi- 
nary kind. General Wayne was evidently an active 
spirit in the Council of Censors while he held office. 
He maintained upon many questions which came before 
it very pronounced ideas. He was chairman of the 
committee appointed to ascertain how far the provisions 
of the Constitution had been carried out by legislation, 
and how far and in what way, if at all, they had been 

fVAy7\r£ iisr civil life. 303 

violated. The report of this committee is interesting. 
It treats of measures of conciliation and how far they 
should be adopted now that peace was restored, and 
recommends that a course should be taken to make the 
transition easy from a state of revolution to a normal 
condition. The committee report that many of the 
provisions of the Constitution had been violated by the 
laws passed by the Assembly during the seven preced- 
ing years, and there their action seems to have ended. 
The great measure recommended is a revision of the 
Constitution. The committee say (January, 1784), in 
regard to this revision of the Constitution, " It is well 
known how in times of danger the Constitution (of 
1776) forsook us, and the will of our rulers became the 
only law. It is well known likewise, that a great part of 
the citizens of Pennsylvania from a perfect conviction 
that political liberty could never long exist under such 
a frame of government were opposed to the establish- 
ment of it, and when they did submit to it, a solemn 
engagement was entered into by its then friends that 
after seven years should be expired, and the enemy 
driven from our coasts, they would concur with them in 
making the wished for amendments. The minority in 
the Council is said not to represent more than one 
third of the inhabitants, yet the Constitution can not be 
amended because two thirds of the members of the 
Council can not be found to approve it." 

General Wayne having retired from the Council of 
Censors was elected a member of Assembly from 
Chester County in the years 1784 and 1785. While 
there he displayed his usual activity, and lent the in- 
fluence of his great name to aid the adoption of meas- 


ures of justice and humanity, exhibiting the same broad 
and Hberal spirit regarding the provisions of the revo- 
lutionary code as that by which he had distinguished 
himself in the Council of Censors. His great desire 
was to make the Revolution in its results an actual 
blessing, both to those who had been hostile and to 
those who had been neutral while the war lasted. 

To accomplish this object it was necessary that the 
laws passed in 1777 and in 1778 disfranchising forever 
as suspected Tories and Loyalists nearly one-half of the 
population of the State in number, and much more 
than one-half if reckoned by their wealth and taxable 
property, should be repealed. By these acts it had 
been provided that no resident of the State should 
ever be permitted to vote for any officer of the govern- 
ment, or be chosen himself to any office, unless before 
the ist of November, 1779, he had taken the oath — or 
test, as it was called — prescribed by law, by which he 
renounced his allegiance to the King of Great Britain, 
and declared his fidelity to the State of Pennsylvania. 
Many besides Loyalists, or adherents to the English 
crown, had refused or neglected to take this test. The 
Quakers were, of course, opposed to all political tests. 
Neutrals, non-resistants from a variety of causes, as 
well as those who from conscientious scruples were 
opposed to war (although after it was over most of 
them were well affected to the State), were included 
among the non-jurors, the taxation of whose property 
had greatly aided during the war to support the Amer- 
ican cause. The object, of course, of this harsh legis- 
lation was to keep the control of the Revolution in the 
hands of its friends as long as possible. While the war 


lasted, such a precaution might, perhaps, be regarded 
as necessary ; but peace once declared, such measures 
became, in the opinion of General Wayne, not only 
arbitrary but highly impolitic. At no time, it seems 
to me, in his whole career did Wayne's true greatness 
of soul and magnanimous spirit appear more conspicu- 
ously than in his unceasing efforts to rid Pennsylvania 
of these odious laws. No one could doubt that he had 
done more than any inhabitant of the State by his mili- 
tary services from the beginning to the end of the war in 
support of the cause of the Revolution. No one could 
doubt that that Revolution was irrevocable ; hence his 
voice, pleading until it forced people to listen to him 
for a more generous treatment of those who during the 
war had clung to the old order and thereby had become 
disfranchised, became in the end most powerful in over- 
coming the bitter prejudices of the successful party. 

As little seems to be now known of the violence of 
the measures of proscription adopted in Pennsylvania 
during the Revolution and continued in force many 
years after the close of the war, a slight sketch of some 
of the more important of them may not be out of place. 

By the act of June 13, 1777, it was provided that all 
the male white inhabitants of the State above the age 
of eighteen years should, within a short time, limited 
by the act, take an oath of allegiance to the State, and 
forswear allegiance to the crown. On the ist of Octo- 
ber, 1778, this test was renewed and the following oath 
prescribed : 

" I, A. B., do solemnly and sincerely declare and swear or affirm 
that the State of Pennsylvania is and of right ought to be a free sov- 
ereign and independent State, and I do forever renounce and refuse 



all allegiance subjection and obedience to the King or Crown of Great 
Britain. And I do further swear that I never have since the Decla- 
ration of Independence, directly or indirectly, aided, assisted, abetted 
or in any wise countenanced the King of Great Britain, his generals, 
fleets or armies or their adherents in their claims upon these United 
States, and that I have, ever since the Declaration of the Inde- 
pendence thereof, demeaned m3^self as a faithful citizen and subject 
of this or some one of the United States, and that I will at all times 
maintain and support the freedom and sovereignty and independence 

By the act of 1779 all persons who had not taken the 
test required by the act of 1777 were directed to take 
the oath of allegiance prescribed in the act of 1778 
within a limited time. Those who refused or neglected 
to do so were rendered incapable of electing or being 
elected or holding any office or place within the govern- 
ment, serving on juries, or keeping schools, except in 
private houses ; and after the time specified for taking 
such test, if they had not taken it they were forever 
excluded from taking the said oath or affirmation, and 
were deprived of the privileges of the citizens who com- 
plied with the provisions of said act. 

Such were the test acts in force during the war. They 
and the accompanying confiscation acts were enforced 
with merciless severity. In March, 1784, a petition was 
presented to the Assembly asking that these " tests" 
should be abolished. It was laid upon the table, and 
a resolution providing that a committee should be ap- 
pointed to revise the laws imposing these tests was 
rejected, five members only voting in its favor. In 
September of the same year petitions were presented 
stating that a large number of young men had attained 
the age of eighteen years since the test was established, 


and asking that the law might be relaxed in their favor. 
This was also rejected. Then, again, a proposition was 
made in December of that year by General Wayne and 
his friends in the form of the following resolution : 

** Whereas, The Assembly is about to impose a tax for paying the 
interest on the State debt, and whereas it appears that a great portion 
of the inhabitants are disfranchised by Acts of Assembly founded 
on causes which no longer exist, therefore, in order to render this 
tax perfectly agreeable to the 8th & 17th Sections of the Consti- 
tution as well as to favor the more general circulation & credit of 
the paper money to be emitted, 

" Resolved, That a Committee be appointed to bring in a Bill re- 
vising the Test Laws and admitting all persons as Citizens who have 
not been active or criminal in opposition to the liberties of the State." 

This was also rejected. It was then proposed that 
all those who had not taken the oath required by the 
act of 1777 might enjoy the privileges of a citizen if 
they would now take the test required by the act of 
1778. This proposition was adopted, twenty-nine yeas 
to twenty-two nays. 

This result caused great popular excitement, the fear 
being that at last the claims of the non-jurors were to 
be recognized. On the 28th of September the Assembly 
was evenly divided upon a proposition to revise the 
Test Laws, showing how much time had done to soften 
the asperities of party. The Speaker voting in the 
affirmative, some of the members opposed to the re- 
vision, nineteen in number, arose, and left the Assembly 
in great confusion, without a quorum. Addresses were 
published by both sides, and the excitement was kept 
up to fever heat. 

The contest was renewed in the Assembly at the next 
session, when General Wayne, upon a consideration of 


petitions from the non-jurors for the repeal of these 
laws, insisted upon their repeal, using the well-worn 
arguments in favor of his views, and especially that the 
necessity of continuing such laws on the statute-book 
was done away with by the peace, and that nearly one- 
half of the inhabitants of the State were deprived by 
them of the privileges of citizens. 

These resolutions of Wayne were voted down in 
December, 1 784, by a vote of fourteen yeas to thirty- 
nine nays, and the report of a committee affirming that 
" it would be impolitic and dangerous to admit persons 
who had been inimical to the sovereignty and inde- 
pendence of the State to have a common participation 
in the government so soon after the war," was adopted 
by a vote of forty-two to fifteen. The struggle continued 
with little intermission until 1789, when the contest be- 
tween the non-jurors and what may be called the Revo- 
lutionary party in the State (although many of the most 
active Whigs had long favored the abolition of tests) 
reached a conclusion in March of that year. A motion 
was adopted at that time in the Assembly to " repeal all 
laws requiring any oath or affirmation of allegiance from 
the inhabitants of the State." Thus this strange quarrel 
ended. It had at least one good effect. It cured for- 
ever the people of Pennsylvania of Intolerance of this 
kind. Wayne had fought many times in the Revolution 
against desperate odds with a more rapid success than 
in this battle against the obstinate but honest prejudices 
of his misguided friends and fellow-countrymen. 

Wayne was a member of the Convention called in 
Pennsylvania in 1787 to decide upon the ratification of 
the Constitution of the United States. He was, as may 


be supposed, one of the most active and ardent cham- 
pions of its adoption, as he well may have been, for no 
one had suffered more in his own person from many of 
the evils which this Constitution proposed to remedy. 

During these conflicts in the Assembly General 
Wayne was endeavoring to cultivate to the best ad- 
vantage his paternal estate in Pennsylvania and his 
rice-plantation in Georgia. When he entered upon 
the military service his farm and tannery in Chester 
County were necessarily placed in the hands of agents, 
and Wayne estimated, as we have seen, his loss from 
a want of personal supervision of his estate during the 
war at seven thousand pounds. 

His estate in Georgia, which had been presented to 
him by the State, was a rice-plantation of nearly eight 
hundred and thirty acres, capable of producing large 
crops if its owner could have procured a sufficient 
number of laborers to cultivate it. These laborers, 
according to the practice of that day in Georgia, must 
have been necessarily slaves, and Wayne had not the 
means needed to purchase them. He had not the 
money himself, nor could he at that time secure either 
in Georgia or in Philadelphia the very considerable sum 
required for the purpose. Some one in Philadelphia 
(probably his friend Robert Morris) suggested that he 
should negotiate a loan for that purpose in Holland. 
In a letter dated October 22, 1784, to Mr. Van Berkle, 
the Minister Resident of Holland in this country, he 
sets forth the object of the loan and the nature of the 
security which he offered for its repayment. The letter 
is interestinor as showing- the value of the estate which 
had been given him by Georgia. 


Philadelphia 22nd Oct'r 1784 

Sir, — When I had the honor of presenting the Opinion of Mess'rs 
Wilcocks & Lewis (two of our most eminent Counselors learned in 
the law) respecting the title of Waynesborotigh together with the 
Draught & Valuation thereof before Chief Justice McKean I in- 
formed your Excellency that I wished to give that Estate as Security 
for the money that might be lent upon it in Holland & to make re- 
mittance from time to time for the Interest &'cs in rice from my 
Plantation situate upon the river Savannah in the State of Georgia 
which Estate was granted and confirmed to me in fee simple by the 
General Assembly of that State in consideration of the Services ren- 
dered them when Commanding Officer in that Department in 1782. 
This Estate used to net Sr James Wright from 800 to 1000 Barrels 
of rice, or from between 2400 & 3000 Guineas pr Annum — it is 
therefore an Object of considerable consequence to me to set to 
work again the soonest possible, for which purpose I shall proceed 
for that Quarter in the course of a few weeks, in order to prepare it 
for a Crop in the Spring, but shall want the aid of about Four 
f/iousand gn\nea.s to stock it with Negroes. 

I will punctually pay the Interest by annually remiting rice to 
Amsterdam, together with the principal in the course of two or 
three years if wanted. 

I should have offered that Estate as Security on Mortgage in 
preference to Waynesborough but was unacquainted with the laws 
of Georgia as to Aliens. The Security by the Laws of Pennsyl- 
vania is as Valid & Certain as to a Citizen. 

May I therefore take the Liberty of requesting your Excellency to 
do me the particular favor of writing to the Gentlemen in Amster- 
dam (a Copy of whose letter upon money matters you have already 
perused) & should I be fortunate enough to succeed in the Loan 
you will add to the many Obligations already conferred upon 

Your Most Obt 
~ . & very Hum Ser't 

His Excell'y Ant'y Wayne 

P. I. Van Berkle 

Minister of the United Netherlands 

The United States of America — 


A year later he received a letter from Mr. Morris, 
telling- him that the prospect of negotiating a loan of 
four thousand guineas in Holland was not as favorable 
as had been anticipated, but he still thought that Gen- 
eral Wayne might obtain the money in that country in 
the course of the summer. What a strang-e commen- 
tary all this is on the poverty of our people at that 
time, and of the low state of our credit abroad ! Neither 
here nor in Europe, it seems, could four thousand 
guineas be borrowed on such security as Wayne had 
to offer, including a mortgage upon his Chester County 

The general was, unfortunately, too sanguine of the 
success of his negotiations with the Holland bankers, 
and, supposing the loan concluded, drew bills for the 
amount on his correspondents. These bills were not 
paid, and were returned protested. The money raised 
upon them in this country had been probably used for 
the purchase of negroes, as Wayne writes to his wife 
from Georgia in August, i ']Z6, in terms which lead one 
to suppose that his plantation was in successful opera- 
tion. It became, of course, necessary that he should 
pay these bills, which seem to have come into the hands 
of the agent of a Scotch house in Savannah, by whom 
immediate payment was demanded. Wayne had no 
money, nor could he at that time raise any, although 
his estate was abundantly sufficient to pay his debts. 
He took the only course which any honest man would 
have taken under the circumstances. He proposed 
to his creditors either that time should be given to 
him to meet their claims or that his Georgia planta- 
tion should be taken in satisfaction of the debt due 


them. No answer was ever vouchsafed to this propo- 
sition except a suit at law, the object of which was to 
make his estate in Pennsylvania, as well as that in 
Georgia, liable for the payment. Wayne was humili- 
ated and indignant beyond expression at this kind of 
treatment, and stormed in his letters about the Shy- 
locks who were determined to have the pound of flesh, 
in a way which goes to prove, what indeed is plain from 
all history, that a successful general may be, and often 
is, a very bad financier. 

It is not worth while to go further into the details 
of the unfortunate controversy which grew out of this 
generous gift of the State of Georgia. It doubtless 
did more to embitter the closing years of Wayne's life 
than anything which had ever happened to him. It 
forced him to do what must have been most galling to 
the pride of such a nature as his, to urge one of his 
friends, a member of Congress from South Carolina, to 
ask the President to appoint him to the command of 
the forces which he felt quite sure must be raised to 
repel the incursions of the Creek Indians. The result 
in the end was that Wayne, having paid his debt, held 
his Pennsylvania estate and sacrificed that in Georgia. 
Thus ended his effort to make the gift of the people of 
that State produce, as it was intended it should do, an 
income. The following letter to his wife, written some 
years afterwards, shows how deeply he felt the humili- 
ation of being in debt. He felt it all the more bitterly as 
the debt had been incurred in order to make that gift a 
real and available one. It is strange that so much of Gen- 
eral Wayne's sufferings, bodily and mental, should have 
been due to the well-meant act of the people of Georgia. 


Richmond, Georgia — 
5 July 1790 

I had intended writing you a long letter, but my head will not 
permit me, at present, to write with any degree of coherency. Per- 
secution has almost drove me mad and brings to my recollection a 
few lines from "The Old Soldier," 

" Once gay in life & free from anxious care, 

" I through the furrows drove the shining share, 

" I saw my waving fields with plenty crowned, 

" And yellow Ceres joyous smile around, 

" Till roused by freedom at my country's call 

" I left my peaceful home & gave up all. 

" Now, forced alas ! in distant climes to tread, 

" This crazy body longs to join the dead. 

" Ungrateful country ! when the danger's o'er, 

" Your bravest sons cold charity implore. 

" Ah ! heave for me a sympathetic sigh 

" And wipe the falling tear from sorrow's eye." 

Adieu — a long adieu 

Yours most affectionately 

A. W. 

In the midst of his financial difficulties General 
Wayne seems to have retained the affections of the 
people of Georgia. He had been obliged, owing to 
the necessity of his looking after his estate there, and 
also in Pennsylvania, to change his residence so fre- 
quently that it became somewhat difficult to determine 
of which of the two States he was, in his legal relations, 
a citizen. A large portion of the people of Georgia 
determined that he had all the legal requisites to serve 
them as a member of Congress. He was accordingly 
returned as having been elected on the 3d of January, 
1 79 1, a member of the House of Representatives from 
that State. His election was contested by his opponent, 


Mr. James Jackson, and the House having taken the 
testimony of many witnesses in Georgia was satisfied 
that he had been unduly and illegally returned as a 
member. The election seems to have been conducted 
without any legal formalities, private persons having 
acted as magistrates, and one of the State judges having 
been convicted in Georgia of having certified as true 
a false return. The whole business was so irregularly 
conducted that the House of Representatives instead 
of giving the seat to the contestant declared all the 
election proceedings void and ordered that a new one 
should take place. It was not pretended by any one 
that Wayne had been in any way privy to the fraudu- 
lent acts of those who acted as election officers. As he 
says in a letter written shortly after the decision of the 
House, " Both Federalists and Anti-Federalists pro- 
nounced in the Halls of Congress that after the fullest 
investigation my character stood pure and unsullied as 
a soldier's ought to be." So free was he from any 
suspicion of this kind, that a few days after the ques- 
tion had been decided he was appointed by President 
Washington general-in-chief of the army. 



In April, 1792, General Wayne was appointed by 
President Washington commander-in-chief of the army 
of the United States. There are several circumstances 
connected with this appointment which are noteworthy. 
In the first place, it shov/s that the President shared the 
general conviction that General Wayne was not involved 
in the scandals which grew out of this contested elec- 
tion in Georgia, and that his personal character was 
wholly unaffected by the decision of the House of Rep- 
resentatives. Then, again, the position to which he 
was called was one which at that time required military 
and diplomatic skill of the highest order to fulfil the 
duties it imposed upon the commander. Upon his con- 
duct, indeed, would depend, in a great measure, whether 
the United States should become involved in intermi- 
nable war with the Indians of the Northwest, as well as 
with the English, whose refusal to comply with certain 
articles of the treaty of 1783, and notably with that 
which provided for the evacuation of the forts in the 
territory northwest of the Ohio, had led a large party 
in the country to clamor for war, and nearly every one 
to feel that hostilities were inevitable. These last cam- 
paigns of Wayne were perhaps the most arduous of 
any in which he was ever engaged, and certainly the 
importance of the interests at stake in them, which in 



one word may be described as the peaceful and perma- 
nent occupation of our national territory between the 
Ohio and the Mississippi by emigrants from other sec- 
tions of the country, can hardly be exaggerated. 

It will be remembered that the country north and 
west of the Ohio having been ceded by Virginia and 
Connecticut to the United States, a territorial govern- 
ment had been organized there in 1787. Every effort 
had been made to induce people, and especially those 
who had belonged to the disbanded army of the United 
States, to occupy that region. The result was that a 
large body of emigrants from all parts of the country, 
as well as old soldiers and their families, soon strove to 
make their new homes in this region, where they were 
constantly exposed to the cruel incursions of the Indian 
savacres. To such an extent did these emiorrants suffer 
that it was calculated that between 1783 and 1790 more 
than fifteen hundred of them, including women and 
children, were slain. Of course the duty and policy 
of the government were plain, and that was to provide 
protection and safety for those whom they had invited 
to occupy their lands. 

It is well to understand that these atrocities were not 
caused for the most part by any provocations on the 
part of the whites. The true source of the trouble 
among the Indians was much older and deeper than 
any quarrel between them and the whites occurring in 
the territory itself. It was nothing less than a deter- 
mination on the part of the savages that the whites 
should never occupy the lands west of the Ohio, and 
that that river should form the permanent boundary 
between them. These Indians of the Northwest were 


the Shawnees and the Delawares (generally called the 
Miamls), who had been driven from Pennsylvania and 
had taken refuge in Ohio after the capture of Fort Du- 
quesne by Bouquet in 1763. As the allies of the Eng- 
lish during the Revolution they had proved, under a 
series of capable chiefs, among the most persistent and 
bitterest enemies of the American cause. When it was 
determined to subdue them by a military force, they 
and their numerous allies, the Wyandots, the Miamis, 
the Chippewas, and the Pottawatomies, were concen- 
trated in a powerful confederacy in the northwest por- 
tion of Ohio, near the rivers Miami, the Maumee, then 
called Miami of the Lake, and Lake Erie. Here they 
had ready access to their allies, the Indians further west, 
to the Canadians, and to the English garrisons at Detroit 
and at certain smaller posts in Northern Ohio. That 
they were aided and encouraged by organized forces 
of Canadians and English not only in their forays against 
the settlers, but also in their hostilities against the 
American government, in the heart of whose lands the 
English had established their garrisons, no one doubted. 
Hence the danger that in striking the Indians we might 
be drawn into a war with England. 

The government had undertaken several times with- 
out success to reduce these tribes to submission, first 
by means of treaties and afterwards by force. From 
the time the territory was organized until the tribes 
were rendered powerless by military conquest there 
was one stumbling-block in the way, which no effort 
by negotiation, and no policy of conciliation, and no 
successful skirmishing, could remove, and that was, as 
we have said, their determination that the Ohio River 


should form the boundary between them and the whites. 
Every emigrant in their view was an enemy and an 
invader of Indian soil, and as such might be rightfully 
driven off, or murdered in case of resistance. The 
government at last most reluctantly determined to send 
into the northern portion of Ohio an armed force for 
the protection of the settlers. In 1 790 General Harmar, 
who had been one of the most distinofuished officers in 
the Pennsylvania line during the Revolution, was sent 
by St, Clair, the governor of the Northwest Territory, 
with a force of fourteen hundred men to put an end, if 
possible, to the Indian atrocities from which the settlers 
were suffering. The army was a motley collection of 
men without training, ill armed, and totally unwilling 
to submit to the restraints of discipline. The men were 
very badly led by officers who, brave indeed, little under- 
stood how to cope successfully with the wily foe they 
were about to encounter. They destroyed on their 
march a number of Indian villages, but the savages 
themselves were untouched. At last they met them 
in force near the site of the present Fort Wayne in 
Indiana. Here the Indians surprised them, broke into 
their camp, and, after driving them from it with con- 
siderable loss, forced the army to retreat to Fort Wash- 
ington (Cincinnati), disgraced in Its own eyes and with- 
out inflicting upon the Indians that punishment which 
would henceforth keep them quiet. The result was, in 
fact, only to irritate to a greater degree the savages 
and to increase their thirst for revenge. At that time, 
it was said, there were only two hundred and eighty 
men on the lands of the Ohio Company capable of bear- 
ing arms, so that they were in no condition to defend 


themselves without aid. The massacres after Harmar's 
expedition were renewed, and the panic among the 
Western settlers became more alarming than ever. 

To complete the work undertaken by Harmar was 
the reason for fitting out the expedition of St. Clair 
against the Northwestern Indians in i 791. His purpose 
originally was to establish a chain of forts from Cincin- 
nati to the Maumee (Miami of the Lake). He had 
v/ith him about two thousand three hundred regular 
troops, and pushed on northward, placing his forts at 
convenient distances. Meantime his force was much 
diminished by illness and desertion. On the 3d of 
November he reached a point in the Indian country 
near the junction of the St. Joseph and St. Mary, after- 
wards called Fort Recovery, where they were attacked 
in great force by the savages. The regular soldiers 
were for a long time steady, and met the Indians in the 
formation prescribed for fighting troops trained in the 
same military tactics as themselves. But these tactics 
did not answer with the Indians. Officer after officer 
was shot down, and to complete their discomfiture the 
militia, into whose camp in the rear of the regulars the 
Indians had penetrated, were driven into the rear of 
the line, a movement which was not only fatal to the 
success of those who were bravely holding their own 
against the enemy in front, but one which threw the 
whole army into disorder. There was no alternative 
left but flight, for the Indians had determined to sur- 
round the army and to destroy every man in it. 
They were bravely resisted for hours, but the result 
was in the end that more than six hundred of St. Clair's 
soldiers were killed or disabled. Many officers were 


killed, among them five of high rank. Some of these 
were amono- the most distinoruished of the Pennsylvania 
line under Wayne's command during the Revolution- 
ary campaigns. On that field fell General Richard 
Butler, one of the most brilliant and heroic officers 
of the army of the Revolution, the friend and com- 
rade of Wayne, as we have seen, in many of the des- 
perate battles of that war. 

The following account of the death of General 
Richard Butler is given in a letter from Colonel E. G. 
W. Butler (his nephew) to the late General Robert 
Patterson, of this city : 

" Having been shot through the arm & then through the body, 
my father [Edward Butler], then a captain in St. Clair's army, 
removed him [General Butler] from the field, and placed him against 
a tree. He then returned to the battle field and found his other 
brother, Major Thomas Butler, shot through both legs. He took 
him from the field and placed him by the side of the General. 
After the loss of two-thirds of our Army it gave way, and the Indians 
commenced a hot pursuit. Finding my father incapable of saving 
both his brothers, my noble uncle, the General, said : * Edward, I 
am mortally wounded. Leave me to my fate and save my brother.' 
And so they left him alone in his glory ! 

** Soon after Major Gaither of his command seeing the General 
alone called to some men to assist in taking him from the field, when 
he remarked, ' No, Gaither, you will only compromise your own 
safety by the attempt. Take this sword & keep it for my sake, and 
God bless you !' " 

The defeat of Harmar and St. Clair, more especially 
that of the latter, caused the utmost consternation and 
dismay throughout the country. These defeats were 
at once made use of by the opponents of the national 
administration as pretexts to accomplish party ends, 


and large numbers of the people were at once arrayed 
against the prosecution of any Indian war whatever. 
The cost of maintaining the army, the spectacle of its 
leader, St. Glair, so ill "as to be unable to stand," the 
utter want of discipline among the soldiery, the wretched 
arms with which they were supplied, and the still more 
wretched food which the contractor provided for them, 
were all spoken of as so many proofs of ignorance or 
gross mismanagement, and the changes were so skil- 
fully rung on charges such as these, that an Indian war, 
even to maintain our unquestioned territorial rights, 
became the most unpopular of measures. Fortunately, 
there was strenorth enough in the administration and 
Congress to withstand party assaults such as these. 
The government determined to use an adequate force 
to maintain our rights and protect the settlers. 

The first thing to be done was to reorganize the army 
and appoint Wayne to the command. By the new or- 
ganization the army was to consist of one major-general, 
four brigadier-generals and their respective staffs, the 
necessary number of commissioned officers, and five 
thousand one hundred and twenty non-commissioned 
officers and privates, the whole to be denominated the 
Legion of the United States. The Legion was to be di- 
vided into four sub-legions, each to consist of the com- 
missioned officers named and one thousand two hundred 
and eighty non-commissioned officers and privates. The 
previous army having been nearly annihilated, a new one 
was to be recruited. Wayne was, as we have said, ap- 
pointed to the command of this force (which was not yet 
raised), and he was told by the Secretary of War at 

parting, in May, 1792, by way, it is presumed, of encour- 



aging him to do his duty, " that another defeat would 
be inexpressibly ruinous to the reputation of the gov- 
ernment." The only stipulation made by Wayne on 
assuming command of the expedition was that the 
campaign should not begin until his Legion was filled 
up and properly disciplined. General Wayne must 
have been a very sanguine man if he could have looked 
forward with any confidence to the success of the un- 
dertaking in which he was now embarked. We shall 
see, however, from the preparations he made for the 
campaign, that he trusted nothing to good fortune, and 
that in all his movements against the Indians nothing 
was more conspicuous by its absence than the "mad- 
ness" which is popularly attributed to him. 

He went to Pittsburgh in June, 1792, and there en- 
deavored to recruit and organize his army, — his " Le- 
gion," as it was called. Many of the experienced officers 
upon whose intelligent aid he had depended during the 
Revolutionary War had been slain in the disastrous cam- 
paigns of Harmar and St. Clair, and others had retired 
from the military service. He was forced with a most 
inadequate staff so to drill and discipline his troops that 
they would be able successfully to fight with the Indians. 
Even among the boldest and most adventurous spirits 
in the army there was neither hope of glory nor pros- 
pect of reward in an Indian war. The sad fate of St. 
Clair's men, the horrible mutilations and cruelties prac- 
tised by the Indians upon their prisoners, and their 
savage mode of warfare generally, were not calculated 
to rouse much enthusiasm among the officers. In 
the private soldiers, and especially in the recruits, the 
prospect of an Indian campaign excited a feeling of 


horror which rendered them hable at any moment to 
a panic. 

Desertions became so common that in a short time 
those who forsook their duty became almost as numer- 
ous as those who remained true to their colors. Fifty- 
seven recruits left a small detachment on the road from 
Carlisle to Pittsburgh, and such was the panicky feeling 
among those who remained that Wayne, in August, 
1792, writes from the latter place, "Two nights since, 
upon a report that a large body of Indians were close 
in our front, I ordered the troops to form for action, and 
rode along the line to inspire them with confidence, 
and gave a charge to those in the redoubts, which I 
had recently thrown up in our front and right flank, to 
maintain their post at any expense of blood until I 
could gain the enemy's rear with the dragoons ; but 
such is the defect of the human heart, that from excess 
of cowardice one third of the sentries deserted from 
their stations so as to leave the most accessible places 

It is evident that soldiers such as these required a 
long training and familiarity with military discipline be- 
fore they could be led against the Indians with any 
hope of success. Instruction in tactics and training 
in their military duties were persistently carried on by 
the commanding general and such of his officers as 
had any knowledge or experience. The natural result 
was that as the camp grew in numbers the confidence 
of the troops and their efficiency increased in the same 

During the summer and autumn efforts were made 
by Wayne to ascertain whether the Indians were still 


disposed to be defiant. Their continued depredations 
on the frontier and the boastful attitude which they 
maintained were the answers they gave to all attempts 
at negotiation. It soon became clear to Wayne that 
the only way to secure Ohio for the settlement of white 
men was to march into the country occupied by the 
Indians and subdue them. Towards the close of the 
summer, therefore, he moved his camp to a position on 
the Ohio about twenty-seven miles below Pittsburgh, 
so as to be nearer the seat of hostilities. To this camp 
he gave the name of " Legionville." There he re- 
mained during the winter, recruiting his army, instruct- 
ing it regularly in its military duties, and in the mean 
time (not discouraged by his hopeless efforts made 
hitherto) striving in vain to conciliate the Indians. 
During this winter the discipline of his little army was 
greatly improved. At the close of March he writes, 
" The progress that the troops have made both in 
manoeuvring and as marksmen astonished the savages 
on St. Patrick's day; and I am happy to inform you 
that the sons of that Saint were perfectly sober and 
orderly, being out of the reach of whiskey, which 
BANEFUL POISON is prohibited from entering this camp 
except as the component part of a ration, or a little for 
fatigue duty or on some extraordinary occasion." Plis 
force now consisted of about two thousand five hundred 
men, and he was inspired with high hopes of success in 
the event of a conflict with the red men. A character- 
istic act of his at this time proves his confidence and 
spirit. He asked the Secretary of War to send him 
certain flags and standards for the Legion, and on re- 
ceiving them he wrote what, coming from a man of his 


keen sense of military honor, had a pecuHar significance : 
''They shall not be lost'' In May, 1793, he moved his 
camp to Fort Washington, the present site of Cincin- 
nati. Although in the preceding January he had been 
told by General Knox, the Secretary of War, "The 
sentiments of the citizens of the United States are 
adverse in the extreme to an Indian war," and although 
a commission of men of the highest position in the 
country had been named to treat with the Indians in 
the hope of securing peace, still General Wayne re- 
laxed in no way his efforts to maintain a highly disci- 
plined and efficient army. Most probably he felt, after 
his experience with the savages, that the Indians would 
yield to no terms which we could offer them. He was 
told again by the Secretary of War, " It is still more 
necessary than heretofore that no offensive operations 
should be undertaken against the Indians." Still he 
persevered, and it was well for the country, as will soon 
appear, that he listened not to the voice of the charmer 
when she promised peace. He sent to Kentucky for 
mounted volunteers to aid his own troops, who became 
more disciplined and efficient every day, and calmly 
awaited the result of the negotiations. 

It is worth while to stop and consider for a moment 
the special qualities of a military leader which he now 
displayed. His correspondence at this time was most 
extensive, and on this point especially it is most instruc- 
tive. " His letters," as one of his biographers says, 
" when exposed to the most critical inspection, display 
extraordinary clearness of mind and felicity of expres- 
sion, strength and soundness of judgment, admirable 
knowledge of the duties of his profession, of human 


nature, of the people of the frontiers whom he was to 
defend, and of the foes whom he was commissioned to 

The negotiations with the Indians turned out, as 
Wayne had expected, to be fruitless, they insisting that 
the Ohio River should be the boundary. The govern- 
ment, forced sorely against its will to make another 
effort to subdue them by force, was to the last de- 
gree timid in its measures, and it sent Wayne instruc- 
tions as to his movements which clearly showed how 
greatly it feared the result. General Knox writes to 
Wayne in September, 1793, "Every offer has been 
made to obtain peace by milder terms than the sword ; 
the efforts have failed under circumstances which leave 
nothing for us to expect but war. Let it therefore be 
again, and for the last time, impressed deeply upon your 
mind, that as little as possible is to be hazarded, that 
your force is fully adequate to the object you purpose 
to effect, and that a defeat at the present time, and 
under the present circumstances, would be pernicious 
in the highest degree to the interests of our country." 

General Wayne's answer to these faint-hearted sug- 
gestions was very characteristic. As soon as he heard 
of the rupture of the negotiations he made ready to 
advance, and on the 5th of October he wrote the follow- 
ing answer to the letter of the Secretary of War from 
" Hobson's Choice," his camp near Cincinnati : " I will 
advance to-morrow with the force I have in order to 
take up a position in front of Fort Jefferson, so as to 
keep the enemy in check by exciting a jealousy and 
apprehension for the safety of their women and children, 
until some favorable circumstance or opportunity may 


present to strike with effect. I pray you not to permit 
present appearances to cause too much anxiety either 
in the mind of the President or yourself on account of 
this army. Knowing the critical situation of our infant 
nation, and feeling for the honor and reputation of the 
government (which I will support with my latest breath), 
you may rest assured that I will not commit the Legion 
unnecessarily. Unless more powerfully supported than 
I have reason to expect, I will content myself with taking 
a strong position in advance of Fort Jefferson, and by 
exerting every power endeavor to protect the frontier 
and secure the posts and the army during the winter, or 
until I am favored with your further orders." 

Such was the magnanimous spirit with which Wayne 
entered upon the campaign, and it is to be hoped that 
the expression of his confidence had an inspiring effect 
upon those officials who had been so utterly cast down 
by the defeats of Harmar and St. Clair. Wayne's acts 
were in strict accordance with his promises. On the 
7th of October the army began its march, and on the 
13th it was encamped at a place which he named, in 
honor of his old friend and commander. General Greene, 
Greeneville. This post, which was six miles in advance 
of Fort Jefferson and eighty miles north of Cincinnati, 
on a branch of the Miami, he selected for his winter 
quarters, and strongly fortified. There in the wilder- 
ness he passed the winter, cut off for many months 
from any communication with the government at Phila- 
delphia, and, of course, without orders. He was sur- 
rounded by hostile Indians. Convoys of provisions for 
the camp were frequently intercepted and their escort 
murdered by the savages. To render his troops familiar 


with danger, a large detachment was sent forward to the 
battle-field where St. Clair was defeated in 1 791, with 
the double purpose of performing the pious duty of 
interring the bones of their comrades who had perished 
there, and of building a fort on that site impregnable to 
the Indians. This fort he named Fort Recovery. The 
erection of this fort seemed to bring the Indians for a 
time to some measure of reason, and they began to hint 
their willingness to negotiate for peace. Wayne placed 
no faith in their professions, but still felt it his duty to 
listen to what they had to say, asking only that they 
should deliver to him the captives they had made, as a 
proof of their sincerity. This demand, which was un- 
answered, closed the negotiation, and nothing more was 
heard about proposals for peace. 

Meantime the difficulties in coming to any satisfactory 
agreement with the Indians were increased and compli- 
cated by the support which they were evidently receiving 
in their hostile attitude from the English government. 
To the impressment of our seamen, and the confisca- 
tion of the cargoes sent by us to the French West 
India Islands, was added the support it gave the Indians 
in their depredations in Ohio. The English still main- 
tained strong garrisons within our territory, while the 
savages were openly encouraged by the authorities in 
Canada. Everything seemed to forebode war at no 
distant day, not only with the savage tribes, but with 
the English as well, they holding the position of openly- 
declared allies on the frontiers. Wayne, while he acted 
in his movements with extreme caution, made himself 
ready for any emergency which might arise. The pru- 
dence of the course he pursued received the unqualified 


approbation of his government. He was told that his 
taking post on the battle-field of November, 1791 (St. 
Clair's), and the manner in which he had treated the 
overtures of the hostile Indians, were " highly satisfactory 
and exceedingly proper."' The Secretary goes on in 
his despatch to say, "It is with great pleasure that I 
transmit to you the approbation of the President of 
your conduct generally since you have had the com- 
mand, and more particularly for the judicious military 
formation and discipline of your troops ; the precautions 
you appear to have taken in your advance, in your for- 
tified camp, and in your arrangements for a full and 
abundant supply of provisions on hand." This com- 
mendation is particularly valuable, as it was bestowed 
upon conduct directly the reverse of that pursued by 
his two unfortunate predecessors in similar expeditions, 
Harmar and St. Clair. 

In order that Wayne might not hesitate in the course 
he should pursue in an emergency which might arise 
when it would be impossible to consult the government 
officers at Philadelphia, he was told by Secretary Knox, 
" If in the course of your operations against the Indian 
enemy it should become necessary to dislodge the party 
(the English garrison at the rapids of the Miami), you 
are hereby authorized in the name of the President of 
the United States to do it." Not only, therefore, was 
the sole conduct of the Indian war confided, with abso- 
lute powers, to the discretion of Wayne (" Mad An- 
thony," according to the legend), but he was given 
authority to take a step which must certainly have in- 

' Moore, 186. 


volved the nation in a war with Great Britain. How 
he used this discretionary power we shall soon see. 

On the 30th of June a small body of riflemen and 
dragoons was attacked near Fort Recovery, and this 
attack was followed by a general assault upon the fort. 
The enemy were driven back, but renewed the assault 
with greater spirit, and were finally repulsed. The In- 
dians were, no doubt, aided by the English. The Amer- 
icans lost some valuable officers ; but the lesson taught 
the Indians by their repulse on the same spot where they 
had defeated St. Clair was a very important one, for they 
found that they had a very different man now to deal with. 

A few days afterwards Wayne was joined by a con- 
siderable force of Kentucky volunteers under the com- 
mand of his old friend and comrade of Monmouth, Major- 
General Scott. Thus reinforced, he advanced about 
seventy miles northward from Greenevllle into the heart 
of the Indian country. Having disconcerted the savages 
by this unexpected move, he boldly confronted the Eng- 
lish garrison established at the rapids of the Miami, 
and determined to meet the allies where he could strike 
them with one blow and thus settle the question of the 
supremacy of either or both of them on the frontier. 
He built a fort at the junction of the Le Glaize and 
the Miami, to which he gave a name appropriately de- 
scribing his Intentions and his self-confidence, — that of 
Fort Defiance. He then sent to the Indians a last 
overture for peace, and, that being spurned, prepared 
to fight one of the most memorable Indian battles in 
our history, if regard be had to the greatness of the 
stake which he put at Issue and to the vast results 
which followed his success. 


The following account of the signal defeat of the 
Indians and their allies is given In his despatch to the 
government announcing the victory : 

General Wayne to the Secretary of War. 

Head Quarters, 
Grand Glaize 28 August 1794 

Sir, — It is with infinite pleasure that I now announce to you the 
brilliant success of the Federal Army under my command in a gen- 
eral action with the combined force of the hostile Indians and a 
considerable number of the volunteers & militia of Detroit (Cana- 
dians) on the 20th inst on the banks of the Miamis in the Vicinity of 
the British post and garrison at the foot of the rapids. 

The Army advanced from this place on the 15th inst and 
arrived at Roche de-Bout on the i8th. On the 19th we were em- 
ployed in making a temporary post for the reception of our stores 
and baggage, and in reconnoitering the position of the enemy, who 
were encamped behind a thick and bushy wood and the British fort. 

At 8 o'clock on the morning of the 20th the army again ad- 
vanced in columns agreeably to the standing order of march: the 
legion on the right flank covered by the Miamis, one brigade of 
mounted volunteers on the left under Brigadier General Todd, and 
the other in the rear under Brigadier General Barber : a select bat- 
talion of Mounted Volunteers moved in front of the Legion com- 
manded by Major Price who was directed to keep sufficiently ad- 
vanced, — so as to give timely notice to form in case of action — it 
being yet undetermined whether the Indians would decide for peace 
or for war. After advancing about five miles Major Price's Corps 
received so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the 
woods and in the high grass, as to compel him to retreat. 

The Legion was immediately formed in two lines principally in 
a close thick wood which extended for miles on our left and for a 
very considerable distance in front, the ground being covered with 
old fallen timber probably occasioned by a tornado which rendered 
it impracticable for cavalry to act with effect, and afforded the 
enemy the most favorable covert for their savage mode of warfare. 
They were formed in three lines within supporting distance of each 
other and extending nearly two miles at right angles with the river. 


I soon discovered from the weight of the fire and the extent of 
their line that the enemy were in full force in front in possession 
of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn our left flank, I 
therefore gave orders for the second line to advance to support the 
first, and directed Major General Scott to gain & turn the right 
flank of the savages with the whole of the Mounted Volunteers by 
a circuitous route. At the same time I ordered the front line to ad- 
vance with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at 
the point of the bayonet and when up to deliver a close & well 
directed fire on their backs followed by a brisk charge so as not to 
give time to load again. I also ordered Captain Miss (sic) Campbell ' 
who commanded the legionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the 
enemy next the river, and which aff"orded a favorable field for that 
corps to act in. 

All these orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude, but 
such was the impetuosity of the charge by the first line of infantry 
that the Indians and Canadian militia and volunteers were driven 
from all their coverts in so short a time that although every exertion 
was used by the officers of the second line of the legion, and by 
Generals Scott, Todd, & Barber of the Mounted Volunteers to gain 
their proper positions yet but a part of each could get up in season 
to participate in the action the enemy being driven in the course of 
an hour more than two miles through the thick woods already men- 
tioned by less than one half of their numbers. 

From every account the enemy amounted to 2000 combatants, 
and the troops actually engaged against them were short of 900. 
This horde of savages with their allies abandoned themselves to 
flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay leaving our victorious 
army in full & quiet possession of the field of battle which termi- 
nated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison, as you 
will perceive by the enclosed correspondence between Major Camp- 
bell, the commandant, & myself upon the occasion. 

The bravery & conduct of every officer belonging to the army 
from the Generals down to the Ensigns merit my highest approba- 
tion. There were however some whose rank & situation placed 

' The name of this officer is written in the official muster-roll of 
the Legion " Robert Miss Campbell." 


their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I 
observed with pleasure and the most lively gratitude : among whom 
I must beg leave to mention Brigadier Gen. Wilkinson and Col. 
Hamtramck, the commandants of the right & left wings of the 
Legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To these I must 
add the names of my faithful and gallant aids-de-camp, Captains 
De Butts and T. Lewis, and Lieutenant Harrison, who with Adju- 
tant General Major Mills rendered me most essential service by 
communicating my orders in every direction and by their conduct 
& bravery exciting the troops to press for victory. Lieutenant Cov- 
ington upon whom the command of the cavalry devolved cut down 
two savages with his own hand, and Lieutenant Webb one in turning 
the enemy's left flank. 

The wounds received by Captains Slough and Prior, and Lieu- 
tenants Campbell & Smith of the legionary infantry, by Captain 
Van Renselaer of the dragoons, and Captain Rawlins, Lieutenant 
McKenney and Ensign Duncan of the Mounted Volunteers bear 
honorable testimony of their bravery & conduct. 

Captains H. Lewis and Brock with their companies of light in- 
fantry had to sustain an unequal fire for some time which they sup- 
ported with fortitude. In fact every officer & soldier who had an 
opportunity to come into action displayed that true bravery which 
will always insure success. 

And here permit me to declare that I never discovered more true 
spirit and anxiety for action than appeared to pervade the whole 
of the Mounted Volunteers, and I am well persuaded that had the 
enemy maintained their favorite ground for one half hour longer 
they would have most severely felt the prowess of that corps. 

But whilst I pay this first tribute to the living I must not forget 
the gallant dead, among whom we have to lament the early death of 
those worthy & brave officers. Captain Miss Campbell of the Dra- 
goons, and Lieutenant Towles of the light infantry of the legion 
who fell in the first charge. 

Enclosed is a particular return of the killed and wounded. The 
loss of the enemy was more than double that of the Federal army. 
The woods were strewed for a considerable distance with the dead 
bodies of the Indians & their white auxiliaries, the latter armed 
with British muskets and bayonets. 


We remained three days and nights on the banks of the Miamis 
in front of the field of battle during which time all the houses and 
corn fields were consumed & destroyed for a considerable distance 
both above and below Fort Miamis, as well as within pistol shot of 
that garrison, who were compelled to remain tacit spectators of this 
general devastation and conflagration ; among which were the houses 
stores and property of Colonel M'Kee, the British Indian Agent, 
and principal stimulator of the war now existing between the United 
States and the savages. 

The Army returned to this place on the 27th by easy marches, 
laying waste the villages & the corn fields for about fifty miles on 
each side of the Miamis. There remain yet a number of villages 
and a great quantity of corn to be consumed or destroyed upon Le 
Glaize and the Miamis above this place which will be effected in the 
course of a few days. In the interim we shall improve Fort Defiance, 
and as soon as the escort returns with the necessary supplies from 
Greeneville and Fort Recovery the Army will proceed to the Miami 
villages in order to accomplish the object of the campaign. 

It is however not improbable that the enemy may make one more 
desperate effort against the Army, as it is said that a reinforcement 
was hourly expected at Fort Miamis from Niagara as well as numer- 
ous tribes of Indians, living on the margin and islands of the 
Lakes. This is a business rather to be wished for than dreaded, 
whilst the army remains in force. Their numbers will only tend to 
confuse the savages, and the victory will only be more complete and 
decisive, and which eventually may insure a permanent & happy 

Under these impressions I have the honor to be &c 

Anth'y Wayne. 

It Is related of General Wayne that at the time the 
battle began (about ten a.m.) he was suffering to that 
degree from an attack of the gout that it was necessary 
to lift him on his horse. His limbs were swathed in 
flannels, and so intolerable was his agony that it is said 
it forced tears from his eyes. But by noon, in the 
excitement of the battle, he became wholly free from 


pain, and his movements were as active as those of any 
of his officers. The next day he seems to have recov- 
ered his strength, for, accompanied by the members of 
his staff, he reconnoitred the British fort very closely, a 
proceeding which gave great offence to the commander 
and led to the following correspondence : 

Major Campbell to General Wayne. 

Miami River Aug 21st 1794 
Sir, — An Array of the United States of America said to be under 
your command having taken post on the banks of the Miami for 
upwards of the last twenty four hours almost within reach of the 
guns of this fort, being a post belonging to his Majesty the King of 
Great Britain, occupied by his Majesty's troops, and which I have 
the honor to command, it becomes my duty to inform myself as 
speedily as possible in what light I am to view your making such 
near approaches to this garrison. I have no hesitation, on my part 
to say that I know of no war existing between Great Britain & 

I have to honor to be &c &c 

William Campbell 
Major 24th Regiment commanding the Post. 

General Wayne to Major Campbell. 

Camp on the Banks of the Miami 
Aug 21, 1794 

Sir, — I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me 
the motives which have moved the Army under my command to the 
position they at present occupy far within the acknowledged juris- 
diction of the United States. 

Without questioning the authority or the propriety. Sir, of your 
interrogatory, I think I may without breach of decorum observe 
to you that were you entitled to an answer, the most full and satis- 
factory one was announced to you from the muzzles of my small 
arms yesterday morning in the action against the hordes of savages 
in the vicinity of your post which terminated gloriously to the Amer- 


ican arms, but had it continued until the Indians etc were driven 
under the influence of the post and guns you mention they would not 
have much impeded the progress of the Victorious Army under my 
command — as no such post was established at the commencement of 
the present war between the Indians & the United States 

I have the honor to be &c 

Anthony Wayne 
Major General & Commander-in Chief. 

The tolls and perplexities of this Indian campaign 
were not the only ones from which Wayne suffered 
in his enfeebled condition during the year 1794. The 
condition of affairs on the Mississippi River became in 
that year alarming, and had not some military measure 
been taken to check the excitement, a war with Spain, 
which then held the military posts on that river from 
New Madrid to New Orleans, was highly probable. 
Incensed by the vexatious proceedings of the Spanish 
authorities at these posts in interfering with what the 
Western people claimed was their right to the free 
navigation of the river, laro^e bodies of men were en- 
listed in Kentucky who threatened to descend the river 
to the Gulf and destroy all Spanish control of it or of 
the country on its borders. As general-in-chief of the 
army, Wayne had military jurisdiction over this region^ 
and he was obliged to send a portion of his already 
depleted Legion to serve as a garrison at Fort Massac, 
on the Ohio, with orders to arrest any armed parties 
descendinof the river and threatenino- hostilities with 
Spain. He could rely upon very little assistance or 
sympathy from the governor of Kentucky in the per- 
formance of this duty. He was thus placed in the 
painfully embarrassing position of being obliged so 


prudently to manage his small force that while he sub- 
dued the Indians he might not involve the country in a 
war with both England and Spain. 

It is not easy to overrate the importance, from a 
national point of view, of the victory over the savages at 
the Falls of the Miami. It was one of the few in our 
history which we may call decisive. That it dissipated 
the cherished dream of the Indians that the Ohio River 
was to be the perpetual boundary between them and 
the whites was, perhaps, the least important of its 
results. In opening the magnificent national domain 
of the West to emigrants, secured in their life, liberty, 
and property by laws of their own making, it may well 
be regarded, when we reflect upon the history of that 
vast region during the last hundred years, as having 
given birth to a new era in the history of American 
civilization. The millions of freemen who now occupy 
the energetic and vigorous commonwealths lying be- 
tween the Ohio and the Mississippi should cherish the 
memory of Wayne as that of the man who by his sword 
made it possible for white men to live in peace and 
security in that garden spot of the world ; and the 
nation, proud as it ought to be of Wayne's achieve- 
ments during the war of the Revolution, should never 
forget that it was he who by his skill and prowess 
changed the howling wilderness of the Northwest Ter- 
ritory, where the highest glory of the savage inhabitant 
had been the scalping of the whites, into a country 
where the cultivation of all the arts of peace betokens 
the highest civilization. 

The result of the battle of the Miami was, as we have 
seen, the complete subjugation of the Indians of the 



Northwest. Although their real leader, Joseph Brant, 
and his English allies tried to stimulate the tribesmen 
to tempt the fortune of war once more, they were 
too wise to follow such counsel. They were forced 
in August, 1795, to conclude a treaty with the United 
States at Greeneville, by which a vast tract of territory 
west of the Ohio and northwardly to Detroit was ceded 
to the national government. 

The lines enclosing the Indian territory were drawn 
from Lake Erie along the Cuyahoga River to the 
Portage, thence west to the Maumee, down that river 
to the lake, and thence to the place of beginning. 
Within these lines the Indian claim to territory was 
acknowledged, and without them lay the lands of the 
whites, where for seventeen years after the conclusion 
of the treaty there was uninterrupted peace between the 
Indians and their neighbors. During this period the 
State of Ohio became rapidly settled by the whites, and 
at its close they were in no fear of the savages. 

What the national government gained not only in 
acquisition of territory and hence in power, but in the 
vast sums for which their lands in this region were sold, 
liberated by Wayne's victory from the fear of Indian 
raids, it is not necessary to recount here. Wayne's 
victory and the treaty of Greeneville, which was its 
logical result, form the true "winning of the North- 
west," the full story of which is that of the most mar- 
vellous achievement in American history. 

Nor should we forget the influence of this battle upon 
our relations with England. When it took place the 
negotiations which ended in Jay's treaty were in prog- 
ress. One point which, as we have said, was obstinately 


disputed between Mr. Jay and the English Ministry 
was the retention of the posts held by English garrisons 
within our territory, in violation of the treaty of 1783. 
When the news of this battle reached London, and it 
was seen that all hope of further aid from the Indians in 
supporting their pretensions to our territory must be 
given up, an agreement was soon reached, and orders 
for the evacuation of these posts, the chief of which were 
at Detroit, Oswego, and Niagara, were soon sent out. 

After the conclusion of the treaty of Greeneville, in 
August, 1 795, General Wayne, having been absent from 
home more than three years, spent in the most laborious 
and useful service, paid a short visit to Pennsylvania. 
His progress was a triumphal one. " Everywhere," says 
one of his biographers, " the people turned out en masse 
to give him welcome ; at the news of his coming all busi- 
ness was suspended to bestow upon him a greeting as he 
passed." Reaching Philadelphia, we find the following 
account of his reception in the newspapers of the day : 

" On Saturday last (February 6th), about five o'clock in the after- 
noon, arrived in this city, after an absence of more than three years 
on an expedition against the Western Indians (in vi'hich he proved 
so happily successful), Major-General Wayne. Four miles from the 
city he was met by three troops of Philadelphia Light Horse, and 
escorted by them to town. On his crossing the Schuylkill a salute 
of fifteen cannon was fired from Center Square by a party of artil- 
lery. He was ushered into the City by the ringing of bells and 
other demonstrations of joy, and thousands of citizens crowded to 
see and welcome the return of their brave general, whom they 
attended to the City Tavern, where he alighted. In the evening a 
display of fireworks was exhibited." 

The President of the United States (General Wash- 
ington) in a message to Congress referred in fitting 


terms to the achievements of General Wayne and to 
the vast consequences Hkely to follow from his victory. 
An attempt was made in the House of Representatives 
to recognize the wise counsels and the intrepid bravery 
of the man to whom the success of the campaign was 
chiefly due. Here party malignity interposed with its 
venomous spirit, and the House, with singular incon- 
sistency, while refusing to give to the leader his due 
meed of praise, adopted the following resolution : " Re- 
solved unanimotisly, That the thanks of this House be 
given to the brave officers and soldiers of the Legion 
under the orders of General Wayne for their prudence, 
fortitude, and bravery." 

Had these short-sighted politicians been endowed 
with a gift of prophecy which would have enabled them 
to look forward for fifty years into the future of their 
country, they would doubtless have owned to their own 
confusion that even such triumphal honors as were 
awarded to Roman conquerors would have been a fit- 
ting tribute to Wayne. Pompey the Great when he 
presented to the Senate and people of Rome the sub- 
mission of Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine as the tro- 
phies of his conquering army, and the illustrious Csesar 
when he forced Egypt, Africa, and Gaul to bow to 
the supremacy of the Roman authority, by the voice of 
public gratitude were made masters of the Republic. 
What is due to the memory of the man whose prudence 
and valor gave to the American people the peaceful 
possession of the magnificent domain of the West? 

Wayne was permitted on his return home to enjoy 
but a short holiday. During the winter of 1796 the 
opposition to the enforcement of Jay's treaty had be- 


come so violent that it seemed at one time probable 
that the House would not make the appropriations 
necessary to carry the provisions of the treaty into 
effect after its ratification by the Senate. The alterna- 
tive, of course, was war with Great Britain, and war 
was clamored for by vast numbers of people, who 
could not speak of the capture of our vessels and the 
loss of our commerce, still kept up by the English 
cruisers, except in terms of violent indignation. If the 
treaty negotiated by Mr. Jay had not been carried out, 
then, in addition to other evils, the English posts on our 
northern frontier would have been retained in the hands 
of our enemies, and they, held as a vantage-ground 
within our territory and supported by the alliance of 
the Indians, would have practically abrogated the treaty 
of Greeneville and opened anew the country west of the 
Ohio to all the horrors from which that aofreement had 
delivered it. Hence it may be understood with what 
anxiety the administration of Washington regarded the 
opposition and delay of the House in making appro- 
priations to carry Mr. Jay's treaty into effect, and how 
momentous was the destiny which hung upon their 
decision. On the 30th of April the memorable debate 
on this bill was concluded, and principally through the 
influence of Fisher Ames the House decided, by a 
vote of fifty-one to forty-eight, to make appropriations 
to carry the treaty into effect. 

This measure happily closed another most critical 
juncture in the history of the West. When the news 
of its adoption reached that region, the arrangements 
which had been begun during the winter for an alli- 
ance between the English garrisons and the Indians for 


a new campaign in the Northwest Territory suddenly 
ceased, and the government received the welcome 
news that the officers in command of those garrisons 
had at length received orders to surrender them to the 
Americans in pursuance of the terms of the treaty. 

In order that there might be no delay or interruption 
in the proceedings connected with the delivery of these 
posts, it was necessary that some one should be ap- 
pointed as the agent of the government who was not 
only perfectly familiar with its policy, but who also, from 
his position and character and general acquaintance 
with the parties to the controversy, could be trusted to 
carry out that policy. General Wayne was the man 
appointed by the government to conduct what it was 
supposed might prove a very difficult and delicate ne- 
gotiation. His qualifications may be summed up in a 
very few words : " He knew the English on the border 
and their allies the Indians, and they knew him. His 
appointment was a notice to those who had opposed 
the treaty that there would be no trifling nor delay 
while the business was in his hands." 

The treaty stipulated that the English should surren- 
der into our hands the posts at Niagara, Oswego, the 
Miami, and Detroit. At the beginning of June Wayne 
was ordered to visit these posts and take possession of 
them in behalf of the United States. His commission 
invested him with the powers of a civil commissioner as 
well as with those of a military commander. He exe- 
cuted his task with wonderful tact and discretion. He 
was received by the English officers commanding the 
garrisons not only with official courtesy but in a kind 
and friendly spirit which indicated their readiness to 


close the dispute. He visited the different forts in suc- 
cession, and in no case was any obstacle interposed 
to carrying- out the formalities of the transfer to the 
American government. He reached Detroit in Sep- 
tember, where he found many Indians, his former foes, 
by whom he was welcomed with many noisy demon- 
strations of admiration, for with all their defects the In- 
dians never fail to recognize the truly brave man, even 
if he is, as he was in this case, their conqueror. He 
remained at this post for more than two months, his 
evident sincerity and kindly disposition being a power- 
ful means of influence in cementing a lasting friendship 
between the Indians and their former enemies. 

On the 1 7th of November he sailed from Detroit for 
Presqu'isle, the site of the present city of Erie, which 
was the last post he was ordered to visit. Within a 
day's sail of that place he was suddenly seized with an 
attack of gout, and he reached Erie in a dying con- 
dition. He was removed to the quarters of the com- 
mander of the post or block-house at that place, 
Captain Russell BIssell, where he seemed for a time 
to recover his strength. Neither the kindness of the 
family of Captain BIssell, however, nor the skill and 
attention of the surgeon of the post. Dr. George 
Balfour, could relieve him. The disease reached his 
stomach and gave the general Intolerable agony for 
several weeks, all efforts to revive him or to mitigate 
his sufferings proving vain. At last, on the 15th of 
December, he breathed his last in the arms of Dr. 
Balfour. He was buried, according to his wish, at the 
foot of the flag-staff on a high hill called " Garrison 
Hill," north of the present Soldiers' Home. The fort 


or block-house was destroyed by fire about thirty years 
ago, the parade-ground graded off, and every trace of 
the hero's grave was lost. Previous to this, however, 
his son, Colonel Isaac Wayne, in 1809, caused his re- 
mains to be removed and reinterred in the family burial- 
ground attached to St. David's Church at Radnor. 
The very impressive ceremonies which took place on 
this occasion are fully described by Mr. Lewis in the 
Supplementary chapter of this book. In 1876 the 
empty grave was discovered at Erie, and In 1879 the 
Legislature of this State appropriated one thousand 
dollars, which was afterwards supplemented by an 
additional appropriation of five hundred dollars, for 
the erection of a suitable monument at Erie. With 
rare good taste the committee charged with the duty 
adopted as a monument a model of the old block-house 
in which he died, which is thus described : 

"A new stone was placed over the grave, and over it was built as 
a monument to ' Mad Anthony's' memory an exact copy of the old 
block-house which Wayne himself had first built in 1791. The 
present one is made of squared oak logs well notched together at 
the corners. The first story is sixteen feet square and ten feet high, 
with a door on one side. The upper is octagonal in shape, and 
made to project several feet over the lower, thus making it difficult 
of access except through the interior of the lower room. A flight 
of winding steps permits of ascent to the upper octagonal room 
from the ground-floor of the block-house. The roof is also octago- 
nal, and finished to a centre pole, which forms the flag-staff. The 
upper story is the height of a man at the sides, and increases with 
the rise of the roof to the centre." — The American Architect and 
Building News, vol. xxi. p. 159. 

The following is the inscription on the monument 

erected by the Society of the Cincinnati In St. David's 

Cemetery : 

my untTTM rnffm, ■■■■ w ill , ■ — . 'f^ Tl 












\_North front. '\ 

Major General 

Anthony Wayne 

was born at Waynesborough 

In Chester County 

State of Pennsylvania 

A.D. 1745. 

After a life of Honor & Usefulness 

He died in December 1796, 

At a military post 

On the shores of Lake Erie 

Commander-in-chief of the Army of 

The United States. 

His military achievements 

Are consecrated 

In the history of his country 

And in 

The hearts of his countrymen. 

His Remains 

Are here Deposited. 

\_South front. "^ 

In honor of the distinguished 

Military Services of 

Major-General Anthony Wayne 

And as an affectionate tribute 

of respect to his Memory 

This Stone was erected by his Companions 

In Arms, 

The Pennsylvania State Society of 

The Cincinnati, 

July 4th A.D. 1809, 

Thirty fourth anniversary of 

The Independence of the United States, 

An event which constitutes the most 

Appropriate Eulogium 

of an American Soldier and 



Thus died in the full maturity of his powers, and with 
undiminished capacity for further usefulness, Anthony 
Wayne, true type and exemplar of that lofty virtue, of 
that unfailing constancy, of that perfect disinterestedness 
of purpose, and of that knightly valor with which we 
love to invest the memory of our Revolutionary heroes. 
His whole active life was given ungrudgingly to the 
service of his country. From the snowy battle-fields of 
Canada to the burning sands of Florida, there is no 
region which is not full of his labors in his country's 
cause. Amidst all the trials and sufferings and dangers 
of the Revolution he never faltered. He beg^an his 
work when the Colonies were feebly struggling against 
ministerial oppression, and he did not finish it until, 
twenty years later, he had laid the solid foundations of 
an empire. As he lay a-dying, and looked back over 
his chequered career, full of difficulties and dangers 
through which he had been safely led until that hour, he 
may well have thought, as he knew his work was done, 
that the history of his country must ever be resplendent 
with the glory of his achievements, and that the hour of 
his death was the hour of his complete and assured 

When one reads the story of this hero's life as told 
in his correspondence, and reflects how little has been 
done since his death to requite his services or to honor 
his memory, one is tempted to ask himself. What would 
have been his fame and reward had he done for our 
enemies what he did for us ? A contrast with the fate 
of Wolfe, the greatest soldier ever sent by England to 
America, and the captor of Quebec, naturally occurs to 
us. Wolfe's name is consecrated in English song and 


story. Had he lived, doubtless a peerage and large 
money rewards would have been bestowed upon him ; 
and since his death a most conspicuous position in the 
Valhalla dedicated to the heroes of the English race 
has been occupied by him. One act of heroism made 
his name famous for all time ; and yet Wayne's exploits, 
each inspired by the same dauntless valor, seem almost 
forgotten by his countrymen. Wolfe, it is said, gave 
Canada to England ; but Wayne gave the whole ter- 
ritory between the Ohio and the Mississippi, comprising 
four States, to that peaceful immigration which has made 
that region the home of a noble civilization. 

But it Is more grateful to consider the points of 
resemblance between these two heroes than to contrast 
the manner in which their fame has been preserved by 
their countrymen. They were both misunderstood in 
their lifetime save by their own soldiers. Wayne, like 
Sherman, was called "mad," and Pitt hoped that God 
would forgive him for confiding the Interests of England 
on this continent to so reckless a dare-devil as Wolfe. 
What Is there romantic or daring about the exploit of 
climbing the Heights of Abraham, and the subsequent 
capture of Quebec, which is not paralleled by the mid- 
night assault of Stony Point and the capture of that 
stronghold ? If Wolfe could exclaim, when told that 
the French were fleeing, " I die happy !" what must we 
think of Wayne, who, finding himself, as he supposed, 
mortally wounded at Stony Point, begged his aide-de- 
camp to carry him into the Interior of the fort, that he 
mlg^ht die there ? Even In the tender emotions of these 
two heroic hearts there Is a wonderful likeness. Wolfe, 
as he was descending the St. Lawrence in his boat, re- 


peated a portion of the famous Elegy of Gray, and said 
to his companions that he would rather be the author of 
that poem than gain all the glory the capture of Quebec 
would give him. Wayne's letter, written but a half-hour 
before the assault on Stony Point, with the evident ex- 
pectation that he would not survive it, while it is full 
of tender care for his wife and children, is also full of 
pathetic solicitude for the fame and success of his great 
chief, Washington. 

There is no adequate reward which a country can 
bestow for the great deeds of such men. None know 
better than they that " the paths of glory lead but to 
the grave." But let us not forget that in all great sol- 
diers the incentive to great deeds is the hope that 
their names and their memory shall not be forgotten 
by their countrymen. 


[The following chapter was prepared by the late Hon. Joseph J. 
Lewis, of West Chester, as the concluding one of a memoir of Gen- 
eral Wayne which he proposed to write, but which, unfortunately, 
he was unable to finish.] 

If General Wayne had lived eighteen days longer 
he would have completed his fifty-second year. He 
died in the meridian of his life and in the full maturity 
of his powers. Although he had been accustomed to 
share with his men the hardships and privations of a 
soldier's life, his general health had been uniformly 
good, except a protracted spell of malarial fever con- 
tracted in the swamps of Georgia and occasional at- 
tacks of gout. The first of these attacks he experi- 
enced during the war in that State. Before he was 
forty years old his constitutional tendency to the gout, 
which had been hereditary in one branch of his family, 
became manifest. Havingr with several of his officers 
dined with a planter during his campaign in Georgia, 
the party returning to head-quarters late in the even- 
ing were mistaken for Indians and were fired upon by 
some of his men. A musket-ball struck him on the 
shoulder and caused a slight wound and the loss of a 
few ounces of blood. This was immediately followed 
by an attack of gout in the great toe of one of his 
feet. The disease, having thus effected a lodgement in 
his system, advanced in repeated visitations from the 
extremities towards the vitals, and at length, having 



reached the stomach, put an end to his life. His re- 
mains in the first instance were interred at Erie. In 
1809 the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati deter- 
mined to erect a monument to his memory in the ceme- 
tery of the church of St. David's, in Radnor, Delaware 
County. In consequence of this resolution, Colonel 
Isaac Wayne, the general's son, visited Erie in June of 
that year and caused his father's remains to be exhumed, 
and they were removed to Waynesborough. 

The 4th of July was appointed for the reinterment 
of the remains at St. David's. The funeral was attended 
by an immense concourse of people from Chester and 
the adjoining counties, and by the Philadelphia City 
Troop under the command of the mayor, Robert Whar- 
ton. The procession was more than a mile in length. 
An old soldier, Samuel Smiley, who had served in the 
Pennsylvania line during the war of the Revolution, 
refusing every means of conveyance offered him, walked 
the whole distance from Waynesborough to St. David's 
in front of the hearse. He took this way to show the 
affection with which he cherished the memory of his 
beloved commander. The Rev. David Jones delivered 
the funeral oration. He had been a guest at the gen- 
eral's table before the war of the Revolution, He had 
been his chaplain ; he had been with him in camp, in 
council, and on battle-field ; and no one had a better 
opportunity of forming a proper estimate of his char- 
acter as a man and as an officer ; and he was enabled 
to furnish graphic illustrations of his theme from his 
own observation. This he did with excellent effect. 
A high platform was erected close by the open grave 
to serve as a stand for the speaker, and from this Mr. 


Jones addressed the multitude. Thirty-three years be- 
fore he had preached within the church building, appeal- 
ing to the young men of the period to take up arms in 
defence of their liberties, and now at the age of seventy- 
three he came to speak of the merits and services of 
the hero who may have led some of those same men 
to victory. The speaker was himself of heroic mould, 
and his statements of what had passed beneath his eye 
had the value of history. The curiosity to hear " the 
old man eloquent" was universal, and the interest was 
intense. The people in a compact mass crowded around 
the stand, and many even climbed the surrounding 
trees and sat among the branches, the better to catch 
the words of the speaker. He spoke particularly of 
the night of the battle of Paoli, where he had himself 
narrov/ly escaped death, and corrected by his own rec- 
ollections of the events some erroneous rumors then 
current. No report of the address, we believe, is now 
extant, except in some unimportant particulars. The 
day was extremely hot, but the heat was not permitted 
to interfere with the proper celebration of the obsequies. 
It was without doubt the intention of the Pennsylvania 
Society of the Cincinnati to dedicate the proposed 
monument on the day of the reinterment of the gen- 
eral's remains. The date upon the structure, July 4, 
1809, indicates this. Its actual erection did not occur 
till the 5th of June, 181 1, at which time the members 
of the Society attended in a body, accompanied by the 
Philadelphia and Montgomery volunteer cavalry, and 
there was again on the ground a very large number of 

The estate which General Wayne derived from his 


father, according to the standard by which fortunes were 
measured in the ante-Revolutionary times in Chester 
County, raised him above those who occupied the middle 
station of life, and if he had devoted his attention to 
its improvement he might with litde effort have become 
wealthy. But his thoughts took a direction which gave 
other objects a preference to pecuniary gain. During 
the latter part of the year 1774 and the whole of the 
year 1775 his time was much occupied by duties of an 
official or semi-official character. This was especially 
the case while he was acting as a member of the Com- 
mittee of Safety. After he entered the army he could 
for a number of years give but litde attendon to his 
private affairs. The conveyance from his father in 
1774 of the Waynesborough estate made him at the 
same time the proprietor of an extensive tannery, 
which had produced for a number of years consider- 
able profit. He knew nothing of the business of a 
tanner, and was obliged to trust the management of it 
to other hands. His agent, a Mr. Shannon, was be- 
lieved to be capable and trustworthy. Yet under his 
agency General Wayne ascertained, at the termination 
of the war of the Revolution, that he had sustained a 
loss of not less than seven thousand pounds (^7000). 
When Wayne in 1777 was appointed brigadier-general, 
he considered that a due regard to his official position 
required him to maintain a table to which he could 
invite his brother officers and such members of the 
government as might occasionally visit the army. He 
accordingly acted upon the idea. The expense was 
considerable, and it has been stated that it sometimes 
exceeded his pay, received as it was in depreciated 


Continental currency. The excess was necessarily 
drawn from his private income. The cost he thus en- 
countered, however, had no effect upon the liberality 
with which he dispensed his hospitality. His most im- 
portant pecuniary loss occurred in consequence of an 
attempt to improve the lands which had been granted 
to him by the State of Georgia in consideration of his 
military services. As large sums of money could not 
be obtained on loan at that time in this country, he 
made arrangements with an agent of certain bankers 
in Holland to borrow one hundred thousand florins, 
and gave as security a mortgage on his Chester County 
property, dated January 9, 1785. He drew bills for 
that amount on the bankers, which were discounted, 
and he received the proceeds. The bills, owing to 
the bad faith of those with whom he dealt, came back 
protested. This subjected him to great annoyance and 
embarrassment. He succeeded, however, in overcom- 
ing his difficulties, and on the 7th day of August, 1787, 
satisfaction was entered on this mortgage. His im- 
provement project, on which he had spent considerable 
sums, was, however, abandoned, and the lands were 
ultimately disposed of for less than the money he had 
laid out upon them. The Will of General Wayne was 
executed at his head-quarters on the Miami July 14, 
1794, when he was in daily expectation of a battle with 
the Indians. It shows on its face the real estate of 
which he was the owner at the date of the Will, and we 
believe also at the time of his death. He acquired by 
purchase a valuable tract which lay adjoining Waynes- 
borough on the east, and this tract has since been 
considered as a part of the Waynesborough farm, and 



passed with it to the present possessor. Of the other 
pieces of property mentioned in the Will, the house 
on Second Street, in Philadelphia, of which he appears 
to have owned a moiety, was the most valuable. The 
lands in Nova Scotia, and the several donation tracts 
granted in consideration of his military services, had 
more prospective than present value, and constituted 
no considerable addition to his fortune. The truth 
seems to be that although General Wayne exhibited 
his usual energy in whatever effort was necessary to 
relieve himself from the pressure of any existing need, 
he felt no such interest in the acquisition of property 
as was required to sustain any prolonged struggle in 
that direction. His mind was too much occupied with 
public affairs during the twenty-two years he survived 
his father to admit of much attention to his private 

He devised to his son Isaac (as stated in his Will) the 
Waynesborough estate, then increased to five hundred 
acres, a building-lot in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, fif- 
teen hundred acres of land granted to the testator by 
Congress for his military services, and a large tract of 
rice-land in Georgia. He devised to his son Isaac and 
his daughter Margaretta (Mrs. Atlee) his large landed 
estate in Nova Scotia ; to his daughter Margaretta a 
house and lot on Second Street between Market and 
Walnut in Philadelphia, Isaac to release to her his in- 
terest therein, a tract of fifteen hundred acres in the 
western part of Pennsylvania, a donation by the State 
in consideration of his military services ; and he made 
his son and daughter residuary devisees and legatees. 
This Will was admitted to probate on the 15th of Feb- 


ruary, 1797, by the register of the city and county of 
Philadelphia, and letters testamentary were issued to 
Isaac Wayne. The other two executors, Sharp Delany 
and William Lewis, Esq., an eminent lawyer of the 
Pennsylvania bar, appear to have declined the trust. 

Some years after the general's death, Colonel Isaac 
Wayne, as executor of his father's Will, received a letter 
from the Treasury Department at Washington, con- 
taining a statement of an account against the estate of 
General Wayne, and claiming the payment of a balance 
of some five thousand dollars to the United States 
government. Colonel Wayne, knowing his father's 
habits, was satisfied that he at the time of his death 
owed nothing to the government, and proceeded to 
examine his private papers. In them he found evidence 
of payments made by the general for the use of the 
government to an amount considerably exceeding the 
balance claimed in the Treasury statement transmitted 
to the executor. With his vouchers in hand, he drew 
up an account and repaired to Washington with a view 
of obtaining a settlement. The delays usual in such 
cases on the part of the accounting officers of the 
government were interposed. At length, wearied with 
waiting on the slow circumlocutory processes of the 
department, he petitioned Congress, setting out his 
claim, and an act was passed January 21, 181 1, by 
virtue of which, on the 21st of February of the same 
year, the sum due to the general's estate, five thousand 
eight hundred and seventy dollars and eighty-four cents 
($5^70-84), was paid. 

Although General Wayne's achievements belong to 
the history of the country, with which every well-informed 


citizen ought to be familiar, his character, in one respect 
at least, seems to be strangely misunderstood. It is sup- 
posed by many, perhaps by a majority of readers, that 
he was a sort of military madcap, a modern knight- 
errant, by whom considerations of prudence and ex- 
pediency were disregarded, whose romantic and chiv- 
alrous courage sought display in rash and perilous 
adventure, and whose claim to distinction rested solely 
on his personal prowess and contemptuous disregard 
of danger. The sobiHquet of "Mad Anthony" has been 
thought to have been justly applied to him as indicating 
the recklessness with which he rushed to an encounter. 
One writer of no inconsiderable celebrity speaks of him 
as a " constitutional fighter, always ready for a fray," 
without an intimation that he had other qualities which 
fitted him for command. Mr. Irving, in his " Life of 
Washington," who rarely mentions the name of Wayne 
without coupling with it the odious appellation of " Mad 
Anthony," remarks, "That brave commander had con- 
ducted the war with a judgment and prudence little 
compatible with the hare-brained appellation he had 
acquired by his rash exploits during the Revolution;" 
thus giving us to understand, without a semblance of 
authority for the imputation, that his rashness was 
habitual and his prudence exceptional. W^hen authors 
of eminence write thus loosely and inconsiderately upon 
a subject with which they may be reasonably believed 
to have some acquaintance, it is not surprising that 
readers should be misled. It is true that General 
Wayne was distinguished for his bravery, — he was, 
indeed, the " bravest of the brave ;" his valor shone 
conspicuously in every battle in which he was engaged ; 


yet he was none the less a skilful general of singular 
discretion and sobriety of judgment. 

He possessed that rare faculty which the French call 
the coup cCceil, which consists in detecting, by a glance 
at the battle-field, the purpose of an enemy, or any fault 
in his arrangements of which advantage maybe taken ; 
and he also instantly, as if by intuition, decided how to 
frustrate the enemy's purpose. Thus, at Green Springs, 
having been ordered with a detachment of seven hun- 
dred men to pursue the rear-guard of the enemy, he 
found himself on emerging from a wood within musket- 
shot of the whole force under Cornwallis drawn up in 
battle array. The design was to attack the American 
army, which was following in a loose and fragmentary 
way, before it should be concentrated, and to cut it up 
in detail. Wayne instantly comprehended the purpose 
of Cornwallis and the whole peril of the situation. He 
therefore ordered a charge to be sounded, and rushed 
upon the British line, which he broke and threw into 
confusion. He then retreated in good order and in 
such manner as seemed to invite pursuit. The Brit- 
ish general was utterly disconcerted, and, fearing that 
Wayne's movement was a stratagem to draw him into 
an engagement with the whole American army or to 
lead him into an ambuscade, he hesitated to move till 
the opportunity to profit by his advantage was past. 
By this bold stroke the object of Wayne was gained, 
and the American army was saved from disaster, if not 
from destruction. The amazing audacity of the charge 
contributed largely to the successful result. It was in- 
conceivable to Cornwallis why so small a body should 
attack ten times its number, unless in pursuance of 


some device by which he should be drawn into a hid- 
den danger. The hesitation on his part was, there- 
fore, natural and reasonable, and was just what Wayne 

During his campaign in Georgia, when marching to 
meet the enemy, he unexpectedly met a large body of 
British and Indians, superior to his own, on a narrow 
causeway over a swamp. Both parties were taken by 
surprise. Wayne, perceiving that the enemy were hesi- 
tating and apparently uncertain how to meet the emer- 
gency, gave them not a moment for deliberation, but 
charged at the head of his column, and, where almost 
any other commander would have deemed himself for- 
tunate to escape defeat, gained a complete victory. 
Other instances occurred in the experience of the gen- 
eral in which the service profited by his exercise of this 
faculty, and established his claim to the credit of superior 
generalship. In the opinion of closet-critics, who know 
nothing of war but what they read of it in books, such 
exploits may be considered rash, and they may be sub- 
ject to the same imputation from duller minds, who 
regard all enterprise as savoring of temerity. Yet it is 
by such strokes as these that genius Is distinguished 
from mediocrity, — the chief who Is fit to command from 
one whose only duty it ought to be to obey. The two 
instances in which the daring of Wayne approached 
most nearly to the verge of unwarrantable temerity 
were his assault on Stony Point and his attack upon 
Cornwallis at Green Springs. Yet the first was origi- 
nally suggested by Washington, who outlined the plan ; 
and the second was applauded by both Washington and 
Greene. In the one, every step, from the capture of 


the sentinels to the surrender of the fort, was carefully 
studied, and every probable contingency provided for, 
and nothing was left to be overcome by force that could 
be surmounted by strategy. In the other, the apparent 
rashness was merely a phase of consummate prudence, 
in which the risk of a bold advance was less than that 
of a retreat. 

If the exploits of Wayne were rash, as Irving sug- 
gests, it is strange that Washington, who was a close 
observer and an excellent judge of character, failed to 
discover it during the whole of the seven years that he 
served under him. Upon no other officer of his rank 
did the commander-in-chief devolve duties of equal 
gravity, and in no instance did he find cause to com- 
plain that his orders had not been faithfully and intelli- 
gently executed. Before Wayne had been a year in 
active service he was directed by Washington to lead 
the advance in an expected collision with Howe in New 
Jersey. At Brandywine he was stationed at the ford 
to oppose Knyphausen, supported by the brigade of 
Grey, while Washington went himself with the bulk of 
his army to meet Cornwallis on Birmingham Heights, 
thus committing to the young brigadier the maintenance 
of a position of the highest importance. At German- 
^ town Wayne led the attack, and needed only the proper 
support, which the ill-advised delay at Chew's house 
prevented, to convert the half-won battle into a com- 
plete and overwhelming victory. At Monmouth he 
was aeain at the head of the attackinor column, and 
was so efficient in staying the British advance, after 
Lee had treacherously ordered a retreat, and In turn- 
inof the tide of battle in favor of the Americans, as to 


obtain special commendation for gallantry and good 
conduct in Washington's letter to Congress, while the 
name of no other officer is particularly mentioned. 
Washington's project for the assault on Stony Point 
was communicated to no other officer than Wayne, 
and he alone was consulted about that most darine 
and dangerous enterprise.' 

When Arnold's treason had struck the army and the 
country with consternation, it was to Wayne that the 
commander-in-chief committed the defence of Stony 
Point, the most important fortified post on the Hudson, 
thus affording the highest proof of his confidence. 
When Georgia was overrun by a large British force 
aided by several tribes of hostile Indians, to Wayne 
was assigned the duty of driving out the invaders, and 
for that purpose he was intrusted with an independent 
command. After the American army had suffered two 
disastrous defeats west of the Ohio and had become 
thoroughly demoralized, to Wayne was committed the 
duty of restoring its discipline and its confidence in 

'Mr. Irving, in a foot-note on page 503, vol. iii. of his "Life of 
Washington," says, " It is a popular tradition that when Washington 
proposed to Wayne the storming of Stony Point the reply was, 'I'll 
storm hell, \{ you will only plan it,' " and Mr. Lossing, in his "Field- 
Book of the Revolution," repeats the story. We doubt, neverthe- 
less, its authenticity. The same thing substantially has been told of 
others than Washington and Wayne, and we may well believe that 
it was told of Wayne merely from its supposed fitness to his character. 
It is probable that we should never have heard the story in connec- 
tion with his name if he had not been called " Mad Anthony," as 
he never was chargeable with the rashness imputed to him, and 
especially as he was not asked by Washington to storm Stony Point, 
but merely to consider the practicability of that enterprise. 


itself and of protecting a long line of settlements along 
the Ohio. Either Washington was mistaken in the 
character of Wayne and committed to a rash, " hare- 
brained" officer duties requiring the utmost prudence 
and discretion as well as military skill, or Mr. Irving's 
estimate of Wayne is absurd and preposterous. When 
such alternatives are presented, it is not difficult to 
decide which is the more conformable to truth. 

If Mr. Irving had made the proper inquiries before 
he ventured a stab at the military reputation of Wayne, 
he would have found that the general was as cautious in 
laying his plans as he was courageous in carrying them 
into execution ; that, as a rule, in every enterprise in 
which he acted on his own judgment he was justified 
by success ; that when intrusted with independent 
command his vigilance was never relaxed and his fore- 
cast provided for every emergency, and every step by 
which he advanced was calculated with mathematical 
precision. There was, indeed, nothing in his conduct in 
any instance that justified the imputation of rashness, 
much less was it warranted as a general characteristic. 

An anecdote is told of Wayne that gives some sup- 
port to the proposition that "fighting was constitutional 
with him." It is said that when summoned to councils 
of war he usually attended carrying with him a book, — 
"Tom Jones" or some other interesting novel, — which 
he would read, sitting apart in a corner of the room, 
while the anxious company were discussing the meas- 
ures proper to be pursued. When they had severally 
given their opinion, the commander-in-chief would in- 
quire of Wayne, " Well, general, what do you propose 
to do?" " Fight, sir," is said to have been the invariable 


answer. It is possible that this anecdote may have 
a basis of truth so far as relates to a sln";le occasion 
when the circumstances were peculiar. Wayne knew 
that, as a rule, councils of war never fight. He was 
also aware that ordinarily their decision was a foregone 
conclusion, and that the commander-in-chief, after listen- 
ing with attention to the reasons which his subordinates 
had to present, would be guided by the dictates of his 
own judgment, even if a majority of the council should 
entertain opinions different from his, and Wayne may 
have thought it unnecessary to do more than signify 
his dissent from the opinions of his brother officers. 
We know that Washington did give battle repeatedly 
against the advice of his council, and that Wayne 
agreed with him in the expediency of doing so ; that 
Washincrton called a council of war to decide whether 
he should attack Sir Henry Clinton on his route from 
Philadelphia to New York in the summer of 1778, and 
that the council, true to the traditional proclivities of 
such bodies, decided in the negative, — Wayne and 
Cadwalader being the only brigadiers that favored the 
attack out of seventeen who sat in council. Whether 
Wayne indicated his opinion by the monosyllable " fight" 
we are not told, nor does it seem probable that such 
was the case, as the question was one of great impor- 
tance, and he was deeply interested in the decision, 
which he foresaw might be attended by momentous 
consequences. The attack was ordered, and if he had 
commanded the attacking corps instead of Lee the 
great probability is that the triumph at Yorktown 
would have been anticipated at Monmouth, and the in- 
dependence of the Colonies would have been secured 


without aid from France. In one case only, so far as 
we know, did Washington and Wayne differ as to the 
eligibility of striking the enemy, and that was when it 
was proposed to storm the British fortifications north 
of Philadelphia. Wayne and Stirling favored the meas- 
ure, the rest of the council opposed it, and Washington 
after much hesitation agreed with the majority. Wayne 
certainly did not give his voice for fighting at all hazards. 
When first consulted by Washington about assaulting 
Stony Point, he considered the fortifications too strong 
to take in that way, and it was not until after careful 
observation and reflection that he changed his opinion. 
While it is conceded that there may be some truth in 
the story of Wayne's behavior in councils of war, so 
far as regards some particular instance where the cir- 
cumstances were peculiar, it is much to be doubted 
whether the whole story is not a fabrication. It is so 
suitable to the character of a military madcap that it 
invites the suspicion of its having been fabricated to 
suit the absurd sobriquet that has been applied to 
him. Wayne was not a man to treat his brother 
officers, assembled in council to deliberate on a grave 
subject, with disrespect, much less was he disposed to 
behave to his commander-in-chief, whom he revered, 
in the offensive manner described. Wayne was at 
heart a gentleman and accustomed to genteel associa- 
tions. He was the intimate friend of Dr. Benjamin 
Rush, John Dickinson, Benjamin Franklin, and Robert 
Morris, and we are not very ready to believe that he 
had the manners of a boor. 

The epithet " Mad" in connection with the Christian 
name of the general is said to have originated with a 


silly camp-follower, who, by reason of his oddities of 
speech and demeanor, was the butt of the soldiers and 
somewhat of a privileged person in camp. For some 
misbehavior he was put under arrest by order of the 
general. After his release, being rallied on the subject, 
he averred that he had been arrested not because he 
had done anything to deserve it, but because Anthony 
was mad. " He was a ' mad Anthony,' and that was 
all there was of it." The word "mad," in old English, 
is a synonyme with "angry," and was doubtless so used 
here. This, in substance, the fellow repeated whenever 
the matter was mentioned, and thus the term " Mad 
Anthony," dropped casually from the lips of a simple- 
ton, obtained some sort of circulation, and became used 
in a jocular way among the rank and file of Wayne's 
command, but never in a sense intending disparage- 
ment or disrespect. Wayne was too much admired and 
beloved by his men to be the proper subject in their 
eyes of an injurious misnomer, and they would have 
resented any indignity cast upon his character.^ 

As far as the appellation of " Mad Anthony" was used 
in the army, no reference whatever to him as a com- 

* An enemy of Wayne, some years after his death, standing by 
his grave, placed his foot upon it, and addressed some visitors to 
the spot, saying, " Here lies the body of a scoundrel." One of the 
visitors, afterwards a man prominent in politics in his State, who 
had served in the Pennsylvania line during the war of the Revolu- 
tion, instantly, by a blow of his clinched fist, felled the speaker to 
the ground. This rude demonstration by the assailant of his respect 
for the memory of his old commander is not to be justified even by 
his great provocation, and yet it may be said with some confidence 
that almost any other survivor of the gallant band whom Wayne 
had led in battle would have acted in the same way. 


mander was intended or understood. It was deemed 
to have a meaning in no wise derogatory to him per- 
sonally, but rather as a compliment — rugged and coarse, 
indeed, but still a compliment — to those qualities which 
the common soldier most highly appreciates and most 
truly admires. None of his contemporaries of the 
Revolutionary era ever charged him with rashness in 
his exploits or enterprises. The charge originates 
with writers of books and of magazine articles of a 
subsequent period, whose opinions on military matters 
must be taken with many grains of allowance. On such 
a subject, however, the judgment of Washington may 
be properly considered as decisive ; and as he, with full 
knowledge of all that he did and of all that he advised 
to be done, found nothing in his conduct to disapprove, 
but much to commend, we may safely conclude that the 
offensive epithet "mad" had no just application to his 
character, and that it may be properly relegated to the 
use of that class to which the camp-followers of armies 
belong. It has no rightful place in history, for it repre- 
sents an idea which is false. 

The love of glory was Wayne's master-passion. This 
supplied incentives to action to which his high-wrought 
patriotism gave additional stimulus. He was jealous of 
his honor, and he preserved it as bright and pure as the 
empyrean, and whatever faults he had were not those 
of an ignoble nature. His spoken word was as binding 
upon him as his written bond. His popularity with the 
people, which was due mainly to his valor, was enlivened 
by other qualities which are usually found associated in 
characters of heroic type. He was generous, frank, con- 
fiding, warm-hearted, and impulsive. His temper was 


quick, but his anger passed away with the first flash; 
and though hasty to take offence, he was placable, and 
his forgiveness was hearty and thorough. Direct and 
straightforward in his methods, he despised the mean- 
ness of intriorue and the machinations of secret cabals. 
He preferred to fail in his purposes rather than to ac- 
complish them by sinister means. He was habitually 
outspoken, and was strong and decided in the utterance 
of his opinions. He was apt to indulge in his criticisms 
of the conduct of public men with more freedom than 
discretion. His judgment was nice, accurate, and dis- 
criminating, and he was not easily deceived in his esti- 
mate of those who came within the sphere of his ob- 
servation. His unfavorable estimate of some of his 
contemporaries while they were in the flush of an un- 
deserved popularity has been fully ratified by time. 
Among those whom he denounced early in the war as 
utterly untrustworthy and corrupt was Benedict Arnold, 
whose treason, though a surprise to many, appeared to 
Wayne but the natural and logical termination of a base 
and profligate career. He long regarded Charles Lee 
also with distrust, although many believed him ill used 
and his treachery remained for many years unknown 
and even unsuspected. Of the fidelity of another gen- 
eral officer to the cause of American liberty he openly 
expressed his doubt, and if that doubt has not been 
confirmed, the grounds of it have not been removed. 
He had many friends in the army of the highest rank 
and of the most solid reputation, who were warmly 
attached to him. Among these were Schuyler, Greene, 
Lafayette, Stirling, Sullivan, and Knox. If he did not 
refrain from censure, neither did he withhold his praise, 


and where it was well deserved he was liberal and even 
lavish of it. Of envy and jealousy he was absolutely 
free, though frequently the object of both by reason of 
the conspicuous part he bore in the operations of the 
army and of the confidence reposed in him by the com- 
mander-in-chief. His perceptions were quick, and his 
mind readily took hold of the prominent points of his 
subject, and when the exigency demanded a prompt 
decision he decided without hesitation and allowed no 
doubt to embarrass or delay his action. His self-pos- 
session was perfect, and in every extremity of danger 
it was fully maintained, and the severer the pressure 
upon him the more complete appeared to be his com- 
mand of his intellectual resources. He had great self- 
reliance, and to his resolution once taken he adhered 
with immovable firmness and tenacity. The idea that 
the freedom with which he exposed himself to the bullets 
of the enemy was due to his insensibility to danger is a 
mistaken one. He went into battle fully prepared for 
whatever might befall him. In two instances, at least, 
when about to engage in extraordinary hazards, he made 
his Will and wrote farewell letters to his family, to be 
forwarded in case of his fall. At other times he re- 
minded his children of the perils which beset him, and 
of the probability that by the fortune of war they might 
at any moment be deprived of his paternal care. Con- 
siderations of this kind, however, had no effect upon his 
conduct. When once engaged with the enemy his whole 
soul was absorbed in the effort to obtain success. 

It has been said of him that he was imperious, and, 
with his temperament, habituated to command and ac- 
customed to rely wholly on himself, it would be surprising 


if it were not so. He had a strong will, which, within 
the sphere of his authority, governed with absolute sway, 
bending men and circumstances to his purpose. He 
was egotistic and somewhat sensitive, and felt more 
keenly than a wise man should have done any calum- 
nious statement affectinof his conductor character. He 
was not destitute of vanity, and he was too susceptible 
to flattery. He estimated highly the value of discipline, 
and was not merciful to those who voluntarily violated 
its rules. He was well assured that no such soldiers as 
those who constituted the Pennsylvania line could be 
made without severe preparatory training, and that such 
training was one of the necessary means for securing 
efficiency. His severity in this respect was not in his 
apprehension a subject of choice, but of duty. He cer- 
tainly owed to it much of his success. His restless 
activity and unremitting vigilance in the supervision of 
every department of the service kept his subordinates 
constantly on the alert. In his last campaign as well as 
in his first, his keen observant eye was always open 
to detect whatever was amiss. During the winter of 
1793-94 he slept on the ground and endured the rigors 
of an Ohio winter with no other accommodations than 
those of a common soldier, and he rose at four o'clock 
in the morning to visit the outposts and to see that 
every sentinel was awake and in his proper place. War 
with him was serious work, and not a holiday recreation, 
and his primary concern was that the interests of the 
country should not suffer in his hands. No thirst for 
revenge could stifle in his bosom the instincts of hu- 
manity. Although at Stony Point the cry of " No 
quarter to the rebels !" raised by Grey's ruffians at 


Paoli, was still ringing in his ears, and the horrors there 
enacted were still rankling in his bosom, he would suffer 
no stain of cruelty to rest on the American arms, and 
no blow was struck after resistance ceased. In deal- 
ing with the Indians on the Miami, while he carried the 
sword in one hand he held out the olive-branch in the 
other, and when he had made himself sure of victory 
he declined to attack till every offer of peace was re- 
jected. When compelled at length to strike, the blow 
was delivered with such effect that it was unneces- 
sary to repeat it. By his vigor he won the respect 
of the savage tribes, and by his fairness and magna- 
nimity their confidence. In the conduct of this war his 
instructions left him a wide discretion, which if rashly 
or injudiciously exercised might have involved the 
country in a war with England. But his every step 
was marked with the tact and prudence becoming a 
statesman, and in no act of omission or commission did 
he fail to realize the just expectation of the country. 
In fact, in whatever relation he stood to the public ser- 
vice during the whole period of his connection with it, 
whether as chief or subordinate, he was distinguished 
above his peers, and in whatever conflict he was en- 
gaged he won deserved applause. We do not propose 
to compare him with Washington. They were different 
in many points of their respective characters, and in 
some there were stronof contrasts between them. Both 
were orifts to the nation from that beneficent Power 
which, from feeble beginnings, led this nation by the 
hand gradually up to its present pitch of greatness. 
Though not equally eminent, each was peculiarly fitted 
for the part he was appointed to act in the drama of the 



American Revolution, and we may as soon expect to 
see another Wayne as another Washington. 

Isaac Wayne, the only son of the general, was born 
in East-town, Chester County, in 1768, and died at 
Waynesborough, the old family seat, on the 25th of 
October, 1852, at the venerable age of eighty-four. 
He was educated at Dickinson College, Pennsylvania, 
and after graduating at that institution he studied law 
under William Lewis, Esq., in Philadelphia. He was 
admitted to the Philadelphia bar in the fall of 1 794, and 
to the Chester County bar August 21, 1795, and im- 
mediately entered upon the practice of his profession, 
in which he continued for eighteen months. At the 
end of that period, at the request of his father, he 
went to reside at the paternal mansion, in order to at- 
tend to the management of the Waynesborough estate, 
which, owing to the long absence of his father in the 
public service, needed better care than that which was 
bestowed by his tenants. On the 25th of August, 
1802, he married Elizabeth Smith, a young lady of 
excellent family and of good estate. Five children 
were the issue of this marriage. Isaac Wayne was a 
man of very respectable talents. In politics he was a 
decided Federalist and exceedingly popular with his 
party. In 1800 and 1801 he was elected a member of 
the Assembly. In 1806 he was elected a member of the 


State Senate, and in 18 10 he was re-elected, but served 
only one year of his term. In 18 14 he was nomi- 
nated by the Federal party as candidate for the office 
of governor of Pennsylvania, and also as a candidate for 
Congress for the district composed of the counties of 
Chester and Montgomery. Although he ran far ahead 
of his ticket, the Democratic majorities in the State 
and the Congressional district were too large to be 
overcome. In 1822 he was again nominated for Con- 
gress as one of the representatives of Chester, Lan- 
caster, and Delaware Counties, with James Buchanan 
and Samuel Edwards as colleagues, and was elected. 
He declined a re-election in 1824, and did not again 
enter political life. 

Prior to the war of 181 2 he raised a regiment of 
cavalry, of which he was elected colonel, and, when 
that war broke out, he offered his services and those of 
his regiment to the government. He was ordered to 
Marcus Hook, and spent the summer of 18 14 in Camp 
Dupont at that place when an attack on Philadelphia 
was expected. He had much of the martial spirit of 
his family and many of the traits of character which 
distinguished his father, but he lacked the opportunity 
to acquire reputation as a soldier. After the death of 
his children his affections reverted to his father, whose 
memory he cherished with a devotion amounting almost 
to idolatry. In 1829 and 1830 he published in "The 
Casket" a short memoir of the general, in which he 
studiously presented the most important of the docu- 
ments relating to his military career. At that time 
he destroyed a large number of letters relating to his 
private and family affairs. This he did, as he declared, 


in obedience to the injunction of his father, although 
they contained matters of much interest. Before he 
compHed with his father's directions he placed the 
papers in the hands of the Hon. Charles Miner, his 
successor in Congress and proprietor of the Village 
Record 2X West Chester, with the request that he would 
write the last chapter of the memoir. While the papers 
were in Mr. Miner's hands, the writer of this paragraph, 
who was the legal adviser of Colonel Wayne, was per- 
mitted to examine the papers, and availed himself of 
the opportunity of doing so, and afterwards suggested 
to Colonel Wayne that he might reasonably exercise 
his discretion as to the letters he would destroy, as 
among them there were those which the public would 
be glad to see, and which reflected credit upon his 
father's character. To this suggestion he replied that 
the request of his father he considered it his duty to 
obey, and that duty he would perform to the letter. 

Mr. Miner prepared the final chapter with much 
care and pains and delivered it to Colonel Wayne. It 
gave an accurate and singularly graphic account of 
General Wayne's financial difficulties owing to his 
efforts to improve his Georgia estate, and set forth in 
a striking: lieht his energ-etic and honorable character, 
and the masterly manner in which he had managed to 
fulfil his engagements and to preserve his credit at a 
time when the industries of the country were in a de- 
pressed condition and money difficult to be procured. 
Colonel Wayne gave the MS. a careful perusal, and 
justly regarded it as an admirable conclusion to the 
memoir. But he could not endure the thought that 
his father's pecuniary troubles, though surmounted by 


praiseworthy efforts, should be exposed to the world. 
He therefore burned what Mr. Miner had written, and 
finished the memoir in his own way. 

General Wayne had one daughter, Margaretta, who 
married William R. Atlee, a lawyer of reputation. Mrs. 
Adee had one child, a daughter, Mary. She married 
Issachar Evans. She left one child, William Evans, to 
whom Colonel Wayne devised all his real estate and a 
considerable part of his personal property. William 
Evans having become the owner of the Waynesbor- 
ough estate (under the will of his uncle. Colonel Isaac 
Wayne), upon application to the proper court obtained 
a decree by which the name of Evans was exchanged 
for that of Wayne, he being the only lineal descendant 
of the g-eneral in the third {feneration. 





The following promotions of Field Officers in the Penns'a Line 
has taken place Viz 

George Nagle Col'l of the loth Reg't. 

Henry Bicker Col'l of the 2nd Reg't. 

Ric'd Butler Col. of the 9th Reg't. 

Thomas Craig Col. of the 3rd Reg't. 

Matthew Smith Lieut. Col. of the 9th Reg't. 

Henry Miller Lieut. Col. of the 2nd Reg't. 

Josiah Harmar Lieut. Col. of the 6th. 

Thomas Robinson Lieut. Col. of the ist. 

Rudolph Bruner Lieut. Col. of the 3rd. 

Stephen Bayard Lieut. Col, of the 8th. 

Caleb North Lieut. Col. of the nth. 

Francis Nichol Major of the 9th Reg't, 

Thos. Church Major of the 4th Reg't. 

John Hulings Major of the 3rd Reg't. 

James Moore Major of the ist. 

Frederick Vernon Major of the 8th. 

James Taylor Major of the 5th. 

Jeremiah Tolbert Major of the 6th & 

Michael Ryan Major of the loth Reg't. 

The Justice done to the merits of these Officers has Open'd the 
way for the promotion of the Subaltern Officers in the Respective 
Regiments whose bravery and good Conduct equally Entitle them 
to it — the pleasure and satisfaction the Gen'l experiences on this 
Occasion he can much better feel than express — it must Afford the 
greatest Satisfaction to a grateful mind to see a Corps of Officers 



Honorably provided for — who has more than shared the Danger 
and Difficulties of this hard campaign 

The General's State of Health as well as Other Considerations 
Require a little Respite — he hopes soon to be able to Rejoin the 
Army — in the Interim every exertion of his shall be used to provide 
not only Comfortable Clothing — but the Neatest Uniform for his 
Worthy fellow Soldiers whose bravery and Conduct have made them 
formidable to their foes — and endeared them to their Country and 
their General — whose greatest Ambition is to deserve their Esteem 
and Confidence and to share every vicisitude of fortune with them 

Genl. Wayne most earnestly wishes the Officers in General to 
exert every power in Covering themselves and men in Speediest and 
most Comfortable manner possible & to pay every Attention to the 
Discipline Health and Cleanliness of the Soldiers — 

Col. Broadhead will take the Command of the Division until the 
Genl — Returns — 


IN 1778. 

First Regiment. 

Dates of Commission. 

James Chambers, Colonel 28th Sept'r 1776. 

Thomas Robinson, Lt. Colonel 7th June 1777. 

James Moore — Major 20th Sept'r " 

Captains — i. James Parr 9th March 1776. 

2. James Hamilton loth *' " 

3. Samuel Craig ist October " 

4. Michael Simpson ist Dec'r *' 

5. James Wilson i6th Jan'y 1777. 

6. William Wilson 2nd March " 

Capt. Lieutenant — Thomas Buchannan (Rank 

as Capt) ist Oct. 1777- 

Lieutenants — i. John Dougherty " 1776. 

2. David Zeigler i6th Jan'y 1777. 

3. Abraham Skinner 13th May 

4. Benjamin Lyon 6th July 



Ensigns — 

All these 
as 2nd 
Lieuf ns 
from the 
13th P. R. 

First Regiment — Continued. 

Dates of Commission. 

5. John McClellan nth Sept'r 1777. 

6. Aaron Norcross 14th " " 

7. Thomas Boyd 14th Jan'y 1778. 

8. John Hughes 20th March " 

1. James McFarland (ranks as 
Lieut) 13th May 1777. 

2. William McDowell (ranks as 
Lieut) 6th July '' 

3. Edward Crawford (ranks as 
Lieut) nth Sept'r " 

4. David Hammond (ranks as 
Lieut) 14th *' " 

5 . Andrew Johnston Q M. (ranks 
as Lieut) 24th March 1778. 

6. Joseph Collin i8th April 1777. 

7. Samuel Beard 2nd June 1778. 

8. Benjamin Chambers *' ** 


Second Regiment. 

Dates of Commission. 

Walter Stewart, Colonel 17th June 1777. 

Henry Miller, Lieut. Colonel ist March " 

John Murray, Major 5th Feb'y " 

Captains — i. John Marshall 13th June 1776. 

2. George Tudor 13th July " 

3. Jacob Ashmead 6th Sept'r " 

4. John Bankson 25th ** *' 

5. John Patterson ist Jan'y 1777. 

6. Samuel Tolbert 

Capt. Lieutenant — Peter Gosner (Ranks as 

Capt) " 

Lieutenants — i. John Cobea ** 

2. John Irvine ** 

3. John Stoy " 

4. Jacob Snider i8th April 

5. Henry Piercy 12th March 

6. James Morris Jones " 







Second Regiment — Continued. 

Dates of Commission. 

Lieutenants — 7. William Moore i8th April 1777. 

8. James Whitehead 2nd June 1778. 

1. Philip Waggoner 12th March 1777. 

2. JohnGugg — from 13th Regt.ioth April " 

3. James Brickham ** ** 

4. Thomas Norton Q'r M'r...24th April " 

5. John Striker ist October " 

6. Henry Purcell 4th ** " 

7. John Park ist Aug " 

8. Patrick Fullerton 13th April " 

^ 9. Jacob De Hart 2nd June 1778. 

Surgeon — Benjamin Parry 
Mate — Robert Harris 

Ensigns — 

All here 
rank as 

Third Regiment, 

Dates of Commission. 

Thomas Craig, Colonel ist August 1777. 

William Williams, Lt. Col 5th June 

David Lenox— Major 8th " " 

Captains — i. Thomas Lloyd Moore 21st May 1776. 

2. James Chrystie ■ 9th Aug. 

3. Thomas Butler 4th Oct. 

4. John Reily 20th May 1777. 

5. Isaac Budd Dunn ist June 

6. William Craig 4th July 

Capt. Lieutenant — John Henderson ist October 1776. 

Lieutenants — i. James Black 3d 

2. George McCullouch 4th 

3. James Armstrong 4th 

4. John Marshall loth Jan'y 1777. 

5. Daniel St. Clair ist April " 

6. Robert King 20th May ** 

7. John Boyd " 

8. Persival Butler ist Sept. " 

Ensigns — ■) i. Blackall William Ball 17th October 1776. 

These rank (-2. Andrew Engle nth Jan'y 1777. 

as 2ndLieuts3 3. John Armstrong nth Sept. " 


Third Regiment — Continued. 

Dates of Commission. 

4. John Wigdon, P. M 2nd June 1778. 

5. Peter Smith «' *< 

6. Richard Fullerton ** 

7. Thomas Hulings ** 


Surgeon — James Tate 

Fourth Regiment. 

Dates of Commission. 

Captains — i. Evan Edwards 23rd March 1776. 

2. Edward Scull ....3rd Jan'y 1777. 

3. William Gray ** " 

4. Benjamin Fishbourne ** " 

5. John McGowen " '* 

6. Benjamin Bird " ** 

Capt. Lieutenant — William Henderson '* " 

Lieutenants — i. John Dover " " 

2. David Brown ** " 

3. William Sprout ** " 

4. Edward F. Randolph '* " 

5. Thomas Campbell " ** 

6. George Blewer ** " 

7. Arcurius Beatty 2nd June 1778. 

8. Peter Summers— Q M «* " 

Ensigns (from Col. Shea's) — i. Jacob Weaver 

(ranks as 2nd Lt.) i6th Nov. 1776. 

2. George Boss, Adj't 2d June 1778. 

3. Gilders Bevans " ** 





Matthew Potar to be an Ensign from 2d June. 



Fifth Regiment. 

Dates of Commission. 

Francis Johnston, Colonel 27th Sept'r 1776. 

Persifor Frazer, Lt. Colonel ist October " 

Christopher Stuart, Major 28th Feb'y 1777. 

Captains — i. Benjamin Bartholomew 2nd October 1776. 

2. John Christie 23rd October *' 

3. Samuel Smith ist March 1777. 

4. William Oldham 24th March " 

5. Isaac Seely 20th Sep'r " 

6. Thomas Bond 23rd ** '' 

Capt. Lieutenant — Michael Ryan (Capt'ns 

rank) 23rd Jan'y 1778. 

Job Vernon ist Jan'y 1777. 

John Bartley 

Levi Griffith 

Alexander Martin 

John Harper 

George North 

James Forbes 

Lieutenants — i 





Ensigns — 

Rank as 

2nd Lieut. 

8. James McCullouch. 
^ I. Andrew Lytle 30th Dec'r 1776. 


2. David Marshall. 





Bickham 2nd June 1778. 

Henry Hankly 



Sixth Regiment. 

Dates of Commission. 

Robert Magaw, Colonel 3rd Jan'y 1776. 

Josiah Harmar, Lt. Colonel 6th June 1777. 

Jeremiah Talbot, Major 25th Sept. •* 



Sixth Regiment — Continued. 

Dates of Commission. 

Captains — i. John Nice 13th June 1776. 

2. John Doyle 16th July " 

3. Walter Finney August *' 

4. Jacob Humphries 15th Feb'y 1777. 

5. Jacob Bower " " " 

6. Robert Wilkin 28th " " 

Capt. Lieutenant — Thomas Bull (Capt'nRank)ist Aug't ** 
Lieutenants — i. William McHalton 17th Octob'r 1776. 

2. Richard Collier i6th Feb. 1777. 

3. Isaac Vanhorn 17th Feb'y 

4. James Gibbon 1 8th Feb'y 

5. James Glentworth 17th June 

6. Benjamin Lodge nth October 1777. 

7. Garret Stediford 12th Oct'r 1777. 

8. Stewart Herbert 9th Jan'y 1778. 

Ensigns — i. Thomas Doyle (2d Lt. Rank) Jan'y 1777. 

2. Farquhar McPherson ( " )... 15th Feb. 

3. Philip Gibbons ( " )... 17th Oct'r 

4. Edward Speer ( ** )...7th Feb. 1778. 

5. John Mackland 20th Aug. 1777. 

6. Charles Macknel 23rd Oct'r '* 

7. Thomas Dungan 2nd June 1778. 

8. James Allen '* " " 

Surgeon — John McDowell. 

Seventh Regiment. 

Dates of Commission. 

William Irvine, Colonel 9th Jan'y 1776. 

Samuel Hay, Lt. Colonel 2nd Feb'y 1778. 

Francis Mentges, Major 3rd October 1776. 

Captains — i. William Alexander ist June " 

2. William Bratton 12th Jan'y 1777. 

3. John Alexander 20th March ** 

4. Alexander Parker " " '* 

5. Samuel Montgomery " " " 

6. Andrew Irvine 25th Sept'r " 

( c 


Seventh Regiment — Continued. 

Dates of Commission. 

Capt. Lieutenant — William Miller (Capt'n 

Rank) 2nd Feb'y 1778. 

Lieutenants — i. William Lusk 20th March 1777. 

2. Samuel Kennedy " ** ** 

3. John Bush " " " 

4. Samuel Bryson " ** ** 

From 13th 

Reg. — 5. James McMichael 20th June 1777. 

6. Thomas McCoy 13th Aug. " 

7. Robert McPherson ist Sep'r *' 

8. Alexander Russel 25th Sep'r " 

' I. Joseph Torrence 20th Jan'y ** 

2. John Blair " " '* 

3. James Williamson 19th March ** 

Ensigns — 

All these 

Rank 1 4- Robert Peble 24th April 

with 2nd I 5- James Milligan ist Sep'r <* 

Lieuts. 6- John McCullum 25th Sep'r " 

7. John Hughes— Q M " " 

.8. Thomas Alexander — B QM...2nd June 1778. 

Surgeon — John Ross. 

Mate — Berry. 

Eighth Regiment. 

Dates of Commission. 

Daniel Broadhead, Colonel 29th Sep'r 1776. 

Stephen Bayard, Lt. Colonel 23rd Sep'r 1777. 

Frederick Vernon, Major 7th June " 

Captains (from nth) — i. Samuel Dawson i6th July 1776. 

2. Van Swearingen.9th Aug't *' 

3. John Finley " " " 

from 13th Reg't — 4. John Clark loth April 1777. 

" 5, James F. Moore " " " 

** 6. James Carnagan ** ** ** 

Capt. Lieutenant — Samuel Brady 17th July 1776. 

Lieutenants — i. Basil Prather 9th Aug't " 

2. John Harding 

3. Gabriel Patterson 


Eighth Regiment — Continued. 

from nth Dates of Commission. 

Reg't. — 4. John Stotesbury 9th April 1777. 

from 13th. — 5. Joseph Brown Lee loth April 

from 2d. — 6, William Honyman 15th Jan'y 

" — 7. Benjamin Boyer 12th March 

from nth — 8. Nathanael Martin 30th October 

Ensigns — i. William Amberson (rank 2d Lt.)..9th Aug't 
Graham ( " ).. " " 

3. John Crawford, Adj't 2nd June 1778 

4. Reed, late Paymaster ** ** ** 



Surgeon — Abel Morgan. 


MENTS), JANUARY 17, I 78 1. 

Eirst Regiment. 


Colonel Daniel Brodhead Sep'r 29, 1776. 

L't Colonel Thomas Robinson June 7, 1777. 

Major James Moore Sep'r 20, 



1. John Davis (of the 9th) Novem'r 15, 1776. 

2. John Clark (of the 8th) February 28, 1777. 

3. William Wilson March 2, ** 

4. Jacob Stake (of the loth) Novem'r 12, " 

5. David Zilgler Decem'r 8, 1778. 

6. John Steel (of the loth) March 23, 1779. 

7. Ebenezer Carson (of the loth) April i, " 

8. John McClellan October i, *' 

9. Edward Biirke (of the nth) October 2, 1780. 


First Regiment — Continued. 


1. Lieutenants William Feltman (of the ioth)Novem'r 2, 1777. 

2. James McFarland March 21, 1778. 

3. William McDowell March 22, " 

4. Edward Crawford March 23, " 

5. Joseph Banks (of the loth) ..June 2, ** 

6. David Hammond Decem'r 8, " 

7. Andrew Johnston May 12, 1779. 

8. Joseph Collier May 17, " 

g. Francis White (of the loth).. August 2, ** 

10. Robert Martin April i, 1780. 

11. Michael Everly July, ** 

12. James Camble July 18, " 

13. Ensign Robert Nesbitt (of the loth) Sep'r 15, " 

14. Brooks (of the loth) 

Surgeon John Rogers Commiss'd. 

Surgeon's Mate John Rague (of the loth) August 19, 1778. 

Second Regiment. 

Colonel Walter Stewart June 17, 1777. 

Lt. Colonel Caleb North (of the 9th) October 23, " 

Major James Hamilton December 10, 1778. 


1. Joseph McClelland (of the 9th) July 15, 1776. 

2. John Bankson Septem'r 25, " 

3. Samuel Tolbert ..October 2, " 

4. John Patterson January i, 1777. 

5. John Pearson (of the 9th) September 7, " 

6. Joseph Finley (of the 8th) October 20, " 

7. Andrew Walker (of the nth) January 23, 1778. 

8. William Lusk (of the 7th) May 12, 1779. 

9. Samuel Kennedy (of the 7th) April 17, 1780. 


1. Lieutenants Henry Piercy March 12, 1777. 

2. James Whitehead " " " 

3. James Morris Jones " " ** 


i( It 


Second Regiment. — Continued. 


4. William Moore April 10, 1777. 

5. Enoch Reeves (of the loth)... March i, 1778. 

6. John Striker May i, 1779. 

7. Henry D. Pursell Sept. 3, 

8. Ensign William Munen May 19, 

9. John B. Tilden May 28, 

10. Anlavin D. Marcellan Sept. 21, " 

11. George Le Roy 

12. Lts John Ward (8th) April 2, 

13. John Holtsberry (8th) 

Benjamin Perry July 10, 1777. 

Surgeon's Mate. 
Robert Harris August i, " 

Third Regiment. 

Colonel Thomas Craig August i, 1777. 

Lt. Colonel Josiah Harmar June 6, " 

Major William Alexander April 17, 1780. 


1. James Christie August 9, 1776. 

2. Isaac B. Dunn October 4, " 

3. Lawrence Keene (of the nth) January 13, 1777. 

4. George M. Cully October 20, ** 

5. Abraham G. Claypoole (of the nth) June 10, 1778. 

6. William Sproat (of the 4th) 

7. John Henderson May 12, 1779. 

8. John Marshall August 13, 

9. Samuel Bradey (of the 8th) August 2, 


1. Lieutenants Daniel St. Clair April i, 1777. 

2. Percival Butler Septem'r i, '* 

3. Blackall W'm Ball Septem'r 11, 1778. 

4. Andrew Engle December 20, ** 




Third Regiment. — Continued. 


5. Lieutenants James Pettigrew (of the nth) April 13, 1779. 

6. John Armstrong May 12, *' 

7. Richard Fullerton " ** " 

8. John Wigton August 13, " 

9. Peter Smith " " " 

10. Jacob Whitzel (of the nth). .March 11, 1780. 

11. Robert Alison (of the nth). .March 16, '* 

12. Francis Thornberry (of the 

nth) May 25, 

13. Samuel Read (of the nth) ...October 2, 

14. Ensign Peter Cunningham July i, 1779. 

Alexander Stewart October 10, 1779. 

Surgeon's Mate. 
Robert Wharry June 20, 1778. 

Fourth Regiment. 

Lt. Colonel William Butler January 22, 1779. 

Major Frederick Vernon (8th) June 7, 1777. 

Major Evan Edwards (nth) December 16, 1778. 


1. Benjamin Fishbourne January 3, 1777. 

2. John Alexander (7th) March 20, 

3. Alexander Parker (7th) 

4. Samuel Montgomery (7th) 

5. Andrew Irvine (7th) 

6. James Carnahan (8th) April 18, 

7. Henry Becker May 15, 1778. 

8. William Henderson May 16, 

9. Thomas Campbell January i, 1781. 


1. Lieutenants Samuel Bryson (7th) March 20, 1777. 

2. James McMichael (7th) June 20, " 

3. Garret Stediford October 12, ** 

(( It 



Fourth RegtJnent. — Continued. 


4. George Blewer May 16, 1778. 

5. Arcurius Beaty June 2, " 

6. Peter Summers ** " 

7. George Boss June 4, " 

8. Robert Peebles (7th) April 15, 1779. 

9. James Milligan (7th) April 16, " 

10. John McCullam (7th) " " 

11. John Hughes (7th) April 25, '* 

12. Wilder Bevans May 11, ** 

13. John Pratt 

14. Henry Henley 

15. Ensign Andrew Henderson July 4, i779- 

16. John Rose (7th) 

17. James Gamble (7th) 

18. Ebenezer Denny (7th) 

Surgeon William Magaw June 15, 1775. 

Surgeon's Mate John Wilkin 

Fifth Regiment. 

Colonel Richard Butler (9th) June 7, 1777. 

Lt. Colonel Francis Mentges October 9, 1778. 

Major Thomas H. Moore (9th) May 12, 1779. 


1. Thomas B. Bowen (9th) September 2, 1776. 

2. Benjamin Bartholomew October 2, ** 

3. John Christie October 23, ** 

4. Samuel Smith March i, 1777. 

5. Isaac Seely Sept'r 20, " 

6. Thomas Boude Sept'r 23, " 

7. John Finley (8th) October 22, " 

8. Job Vernon June 13, 1779. 

9. William Vanleer (9th) October 10, 



1. Lieutenants Levi Griffith January i, 1777. 

2. John Harper '* ** 

3. George North ** " 


Fifth Regiment. — Continued. 


4. Lieutenants James McCullough January i, 1777. 

5. Andrew Lytle ;. January 20, ** 

6. John McKinney (9th) March 18, 1778. 

7. David Marshall Novem'r 5, " 

8. Ephraim Douglass (9th) January 20, 1779. 

9. Edward Butler (9th) January 28, " 

10. John Bisphani February i, " 

11. Abner M. Dunn (9th) May 31, ** 

12. Benjamin Marshall June 13, ** 

13. Llewellyn Davis (9th) August 10, " 

14. Nathaniel Smith (9th) 

15. David McKnight (9th) 

16. Ensign James Gilchrist Ju^yi* " 

17. Joseph Irwin (9th) July 20, 1780. 

18. Joseph Reed (9th) " " 

James Davidson April 5, 1777. 

Surgeon's Mate. 
Richard Alison March 16, 1778. 

Sixth Regiment. 

Colonel Richard Humpton (loth) October ist, 1776, 

Lt. Colonel Stephen Bayard (8th) Sept'r 23, 1777. 

Major James Greer (loth) October 23, " 


1. John Doyle July 16, 1776. 

2. Walter Finney August 10, " 

3. Robert Wilkin October 10, *' 

4. George Bush (nth) January 13, 1777. 

5. Jacob Humphrey February 15, " 

6. Jacob Bower ** " 

7. John Crawford (8th) August 10, 1779. 

8. Robert Patton (loth) March i, 1780. 

9. Jeremiah Jackson (nth) March 16, " 


Stxih Eegt'ment. — Continued. 



1. Lieutenants Edward Hovenden February 15, 1777. 

2. James Gibbon (Brevet Capt.). " " 

3. James Glentworth " ** 

4. Benjamin Lodge October 11, " 

5. Stewart Herbert January 9, 1778. 

6. John McMahon (nth) June i, " 

7. James F. McPherson January 15, 1779. 

8. Samuel Morrison (nth) February 13, *' 

9. Thomas Doyle March 15, ** 

10. John Markham July i, " 

11. William Huston (nth) Feb'y 24, 1780. 

12. Second Lt. Edward Spear Feb'y 7, 1778. 

13. Ensign Thomas Dungan June 2, " 

14. Sanky Dixon Aug't 25, 1779. 

15. John Humphrey " " 

16. John Vankoort (loth) Sept'r 15, 1780. 

John McDowell February 5, 1778. 

Surgeon's Mate. 
Ezekiel Downey Sept. n, 1780. 





Anthony Wayne Major General. 

James Wilkinson Brigadier General. 

Thomas Posey " ** 

Michael Rudolph Adjutant & Inspector. 

James O' Hara Quarter Master. 

John Belli Deputy Quarter Master. 

Caleb Swan Paymaster. 

Richard A 11 ison Surgeon . 

John Hunt Chaplain. 




Michael Rudolph Major 5th March 1792. 

Henry Captain ** *' resign'd. 

William Winston " 8th May. 

Robert Miss Campbell " 7th October. 

William Aylet Lee " 25th " 

Tarleton Fleming Lieutenant 8th May. 

Solomon Van Rensalaer " i8th September. 

James Taylor " 7th October. 

Leonard Covington ** 25th " 

John Webb Cornet 8th May. 

George H. Dunn " 1 8th September. 

Abraham Jones " 7th October. 

Dan'l Torrey " 25th " 


Henry Burbeck Major 4th November 1791. 

Mahlon Ford Captain 4th March 

John Pierce " 15th October 

Moses Porter ** 4th November 

Daniel McLane " ** 

Abimael Youngs Nicoll Lieutenant 4th March 

George Ingersoll ** ** 

Staats Morris ** 26th July 

George Dembar " 5 th March 1792. 

PiercyPope " " " 

Joseph Elliot " '* " 

Ebenezer Massey " ** ** 

Peter L. Van Alen ** 6th September 1792. 

First Sub Legion. 

John F. Hamtramck Lieut. Col. Com- 

mand't i8th Feb. 1793. 

Thomas Doyle Major 28th Sept'r 1792. 

Thomas Hughes " 27th Nov'r " 


First Sub Legion — Continued. 

John Pratt Captain 

William Hersey " 

William Peters " 

Jacob Kingsbery " 

Thomas Martin " 

Thomas Pasteur ** 

Cornelius R. Swan ** 

John Jeffers " 

Abner Prior " 

Asa Hartshorne ** 

Jacob Melcher " 

Rank in 
the Legion. Commissioned. 

.... 3 4 March 1791 

.... 4 4 June " 

.... 5 4 November " 

.... 8 28 December " 

.... 9 5th March 

....ID " 

II 23d April 

....12 15th May 

....13 2 June 

....15 1 September 

,...16 28th September 


. . . Vacancy to be filled by Ensign Morgan if acquited. 

James Clay i Lieutenant 28th December 1791. 

Daniel Britt 2 

Hamilton Armstrong 3 

Bartholomew Shomberg 5 

Bernard Gaines 4 

John Wade 6 

Ross Bird 7 

Hastings Marks 8 

William H, Harrison 9 

Robert Hunter 10 

Lewis Bond 11 

John Whistler 12 

John Morgan Ensign . 

Daniel Bissell 3 

John Michael 5 

Jacob Krumer 2 

Henry Montford i 

Charles Hyde 4 


.29th " 

.10 January 1792. 

.5 March. 

.23 April 1792. 
.15 th May 
.2 June 
I Sept 
.28 Sept'r 
.27 Nov'r 
.May 1790. 
.5 March 1792. 


Second Sub Legion. 

David Strong Lieut Col. Com- 

mand't 19th February 1793. 

Thomas Hunt Major i8th Feb'y ** 



Second Sub Legion — Continued. 


John Mills Major 19th Feb'y 1793. 

John H. Buell " 20th '' '' 

Rich'd Brooke Roberts Captain promoted. \ March 1791. 

Thomas H. Cushing *' ** 


Joseph Shaylor 

Jonathan Haskell 

Bezaleel Howe ** 

Daniel Bradley 

Cornelius Lyman 

Richard Trucombe Howe... 

Richard H. Greaton , 

Russell Bissell 

Joseph Dickinson 

Edward Miller 


Rank in 
the Legion. 

No. I.... 

(( (( 



(( (( 


..4 November. 

" 14 30th July 1792. 

*' X 27th Nov. " dec'd. 

" i8th Feb'y 1793. 

19th " " 

'* 20th " ** 

" 2ISt *' «* 

John Tillinghast Lieut'nt//'<7»/6'/^^4 Nov'r 1791. 

Daniel Tilton jun 

Samuel Andrews 

John Bird 

Micah McDonough 

Edward Turner 

Theodore Sedgwick 

John Sullivan 

Andrew Marschalk 

William Marts 

John Lowry 

Andrew McCleery 

Samuel Drake Ensign 

X Felix Long 

Peter Shoemaker 

Isaac Younghusband 


X • • • 


loted " " 


(( It 


. 2... 5th March 


3. ..13th July 


4.. .30th " 


5. ..27th November " 

6...i8th Feb'y i 


7. ..19th " 


8. ..20th " 


9...2ISt " 



1 1... 5 March 179 


• • • 

12... " 

10... " 

Henry Gaither , 

Third Sub Legion. 

....Lieut. Col. Com- 


Major 5 March 1792. 

Third Sub Legion — Continued. 


George M. Bedinger Major 3 March 1792 resig'd. 

Jonathan Cass " 21st Feb'y 1793. 

Isaac Guion Captain 5 March 1792. 

Zebulon Pike " 


(( (( << 

it l( << 

(( <( 

(( <( 

Richard Sparks 

Uriah Springer " 

Nicholas Hannah ** 

John Heth 

Joseph Kerr 

William Faulkner " " " 

Thomas Lewis " 

William Lewis ** 

Howell Lewis *' ** 

John Cummins " 30th June. 

John Reed Lieutenant 5 March 1792. 

William McRea " " " 

Robert Craig '* " " 

Nathaniel Huston " *< " 

John Boyer 

Samuel Vance ** 

William Smith " 

Samuel Finley 

William Richard " ** 

Aaron Gregg " 30th June ' 

John Pothimers ** 125th Sept. ' 

John Steele ** 21st Feb'y 1793. 

Reason Beall Ensign 5 March 1792. 

PeterMarks " " " 

Samuel Davidson ** " " 

Charles Wright " " " 

Nanning I Nischer ** ** ** 

David Hall X " " " 

Archibald Gray " " " 

Houtman Lightner " ** ** 

Andrew Shanklan *' ** " 

(< (< << 





Fourth Sub Legion. 


John Clark Lieut Col. Com- 

mand't 21 February 1793. 

Thomas Butler Major 5 March 1792. 

William McMahan " " " 

* Ballard Smith " .2nd June " 

* To be filled by Captain Ballard Smith who was suspended for six 
months by the sentence of a General Court Martial. 

Edward Butler Captain 5 March 1792. 

Henry Carbery X * * 



9 June 
28 Decern 

William Buchanan X 

Jacob Slough 

Joseph Brock 

William Eaton , 

John Crawford 

John Cooke 

William Preston , 

Alexander Gibson 

Benjamin Price 

Henry De Butts 

Robert Thompson Lieutenant 5 March 

Henry B. Towles 

Maxwell Bines , 

Daniel T Jenifer 

James Glen , 

William Clarke 

James Underbill 

William Stedman 

Benjamin Lockwood , 

Benjamin Strother , 

William Dwen 

Peter Grayson 

Robert Purdy Ensign 5 March 

Hugh Brady " " 

William Pitt Gassaway " ** 

Campbell Smith " '* 

Robert Lee " " 

9 June 
28 Decem 






Fourth Sub Legion — Continued. 


Stephen Trigge Ensign 5 March 1792. 

Patrick Sharkey X " " "resigned. 

Jonathan Taylor " " " 


John Elliot. 
John Scott. 
John F. Carmichael. 
Nathan Hayward. 

Elijah Tisdale. 
Charles Brown. 
Joseph Philips. 
William McCrosky. 
Frederick Dalcho. 
William A. McCrea. 
Thomas Hutchins. 
John Sillman. 
George Balfour. 

Surgeofi's Mates. 

James L. Clayton. 
Thomas Farley. 
Joseph Strong. 
Joseph Andrews. 
John C. Wallace. 
John Hammill. 
Charles Watrous. 
Samuel Boyd. 
Elihu Lyman. 

Provisional Ensigns to be called into service at the Discretion of the 
President of the United States. 

Levi Hause. 

John Lamson. 

Nathan Woodward. 

Aaron Catlin. 

Francis Johnston present. 

Garret Voorhis. 

John Wallington. 

George Baynton. 

Jesse Lukens. 

Charles Lewis present. 

Levi McLane " 

Richard Butler present. 
William Davidson. 
Ferdinand Leigh Claiborne. 
Charles Turner. 
Charles Harrison. 
George Lee Davidson. 
Howell Cobb. 
Edmund Taylor present. 
John Bradshaw. 
Elijah Strong present. 
John Brick " 




Fort Montgomery $ July 1779 
To Col'l Richard Butler. 

Sir, — You will proceed with your detachment as near the enemy 
this evening as you think proper ; your own judgement will best 
govern you in what mode, or manner to reconnoitre their situation, 
so as to remain undiscovered — You will fix on the most proper 
ground for the troops to take post who are destined for the charge, 
as also the point from which the feint is to be made. Could you 
take a prisoner, or any person well acquainted with the Sally port, 
or ports, & the Saliant angles of the works it may have a happy 
effect — I shall expect to hear from you at Storms ; should you make 
any important discovery, you will communicate it the soonest pos- 
sible — I wish you every happiness, & am Sincerely yours 

Signed by order for Gen'l Wayne J. Archer. 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Fort Montgomery loth July 1779 

Dear Sir, — Your Excellency must have Observed how wretchedly 
your Officers were armed — many of them without any — of Conse- 
quence should they ever come to a charge, in place of producing an 
example of Fortitude to their men, they must Inevitably be the first 
to give way — an example much easier adopted by the Human mind 
than the former — especially by the private Soldier who can't con- 
ceive his Honor or duty Concerned further than his Officers & will 
be governed by his example as well in a Retrograde Manoeuvre as in 
a pursuit — 

I have no reason to doubt the bravery of any Officer belonging to 
the Corps — & will be answerable for their Conduct in every Vicissi- 
tude of fortune let them but be properly Armed — which I believe is 
in our power to — to effect as a considerable Number of Espontoons 
were sent forward to Camp before I left Phila. which must have 
Arrived — Will your Excellency be so obliging as to Order about 
fifty of the neatest & best to this place with all possible dispatch — 


I mean io practice 7vith them in the Course of two or three days, of 
which you shall hear further, I shall also expect your Excellency's 
Advice and Instructions on the Occasion which shall be faithfully 
executed — 

Adieu & believe me yours most 

Ant'y Wayne — 

General Washington to General Wayne. 

New Windsor loth July 1779 

D'r Sir, — Immediately upon receipt of your letter of this date I 
ordered the Q. M. Gen'l to furnish the Espontoons you wrote for, 
and presume you will get them in a day or two. My ideas of the 
enterprise in contemplation are these — That it should be attempted 
by the light Infantry only, which should march under cover of night 
and with the utmost secrecy to the enemy's lines, securing every 
person they find to prevent discovery. — Between one and two hun- 
dred chosen men and officers I conceive fully sufficient for the sur- 
prise, and apprehend the approach should be along the water on the 
South Side crossing the Beach & entering the abbatis, — 

This party is to be preceded by a van-guard of prudent and de- 
termined men, well commanded who are to remove obstructions — 
secure the sentries & drive in the guard — They are to advance 
(the whole of them) with fixed Bayonets and muskets unloaded. — 
The officers commanding them are to know precisely what batteries 
or particular parts of the line they are respectively to possess, that 
confusion and the consequences of indecision may be avoided. — 

These parties should be followed by the main body at a small dis- 
tance for the purpose of support and making good the advantages 
which may be gained — or to bring them off in case of repulse & dis- 
appointment — other parties may advance to the works (but not so as 
to be discovered till the conflict is begun) by the way of the cause- 
way & River on the north if practicable, as well for the purpose of 
distracting the enemy in their defence as to cut off their retreat. 
— These parties may be small unless the access and approaches 
should be very easy and safe. — 

The three approaches here mentioned should be well reconnoitred 
before hand & by persons of observation. 


Single men in the night will be more likely to ascertain facts than 
the best glasses in the day. 

A white feather or cockade or some other visible badge of distinc- 
tion for the night should be worn by our troops, and a watch-word 
agreed on to distinguish friends from foes. — If success should attend 
the enterprise, measures should be instantly taken to prevent if prac- 
ticable the retreat of the garrison by water or to annoy them as much 
as possible if they attempt it — and the guns should be immediately 
turned against the shipping & Verplanks point and covered if pos- 
sible from the enemy's fire — 

Secrecy is so much more essential to these kind of enterprises 
than numbers, that I should not think it advisable to employ any 
other than the light troops — If a surprise takes place they are 
fully competent to the business — if it does not numbers will avail 
little — 

As it is in the power of a single deserter to betray the design — 
defeat the project — & involve the party in difficulties & danger, too 
much caution cannot be used to conceal the intended enterprise to 
the latest hour from all but the principal officers of your Corps and 
from the men till the moment of execution — Knowledge of your 
intention, ten minutes previously obtained, blasts all your hopes; 
for which reason a small detachment composed of men whose fidelity 
you can rely on under the care of a judicious officer should guard 
every avenue through the marsh to the enemy's works by which our 
deserters or their spies can pass, and prevent all intercourse. — 

The usual time for exploits of this kind is a little before day for 
which reason a vigilant officer is then more on the watch, I therefore 
recommend a midnight hour — 

I had in view to attempt Verplanks point at the same instant that 
your operations should commence at Stoney Point, but the uncertainty 
of CO operating, in point of time and the hazard thereby run of de- 
feating the attempt on Stoney point, which is infinitely most impor- 
tant — the other being dependent — has induced me to suspend that 

These are my general ideas of the plan for a surprise, but you are 
at liberty to depart from them in every instance where you think 
they may be improved or changed for the better — a dark night and 
even a rainy one if you can find the way will contribute to your 


success — The officers in these night marches should be extremely 
attentive to keep their men together as well for the purpose of guard- 
ing against desertion to the enemy as to prevent skulking. 

As it is a part of the plan, if the surprise should succeed to 
make use of the enemy's cannon against their shipping & their 
post on the other side, it will be well to have a small detachment 
of artillery with you to serve them — I have sent an order to the 
Park for this purpose and to cover the design have ordered down 
a couple of light field pieces — when you march you can leave the 
pieces behind — 

So soon as you have fixed your plan and the time of execution 
I shall be obliged to you to give me notice. I shall immediately 
order you a reinforcement of light infantry — & more Espontoons — 
I am with great regard 

D'r Sir 

Y'r most obe't servant 

G'o Washington. 

Brig'r Gen'l Wayne — 

General Wayne to General Washington. 

Fort Montgomery 15th July 1779. 
1 1 OClock A.M. 

Dear General, — On the nth Colo's Butler & Febiger and 
myself Reconnoitred the Enemies works at Stony point in the most 
Satisfactory manner possible — and are decidedly of Opinion that 
two real attacks and one feint ought to be made agreeable to the 
Enclosed plan & Disposition which I now do myself the Honor to 
transmit — by the Unanimous Voice of the field Officers present as 
well as your Excellencies permission I have ventured to add the 
Second Attack which is the Only alteration from yours of the tenth — 
I perfectly agree with your Excellency that an Enterprize of this 
Nature don't so much depend upon Numbers as on Secrecy & 
prowess — yet the Mass of our Soldiery will derive Confidence from 
the Reputation of Numbers — from this Conviction I have taken the 
Liberty to Order Colo' Ball's Regiment Stationed at Rose's farm 
to follow in my rear & shall give out that the Whole Virginia Line 
are to Support us — it can have no bad Effect — but it may have a 
very happy one. 


I have taken every possible precaution to secure the passes Leading 
to Stoney point — for which purpose I have detached three small 
parties of picked men under prudent & Vigilant Officers with direc- 
tion to Approach near the Revene little before night so as to Recon- 
noitre & fix on the proper places to plant their Sentries as soon as 
it's dark also to secure Certain persons to serve as Guides 

I shall meet Majr Lee at Clement's or between that & Storm's. 
I am pleased at the prospect of the day & have the most happy 
presages of the fortune of the night 

adieu my Dear General 

& believe me with every 
Sentiment of Esteem 
Your Most Ob't & Affectionat 
Hum'l Servt. 
Ant'y Wayne. 

General Washington to General Wayne. 

Head Quarters New 

Windsor July 14th 

Dear Sir, — I have reflected on the advantages and disadvan- 
tages of delaying the proposed attempt, and I do not know but the 
latter preponderate. You will therefore carry it into execution to- 
morrow night as you desire, unless some new motive or better infor- 
mation should induce you to think it best to defer it. You are at 
liberty to choose between the different plans on which we have con- 
versed. But as it is important to have every information we can 
procure, if you could manage in the mean time to see Major Lee, it 
might be useful. He has been so long near the spot and has taken 
so much pains to inform himself critically concerning the post, that 
I imagine he may be able to make you acquainted with some further 
details. Your interview must be managed with caution or it may 

possibly raise suspicion — 

I am D'r Sir 

Your most Obed't Serv't 

G'o Washington 

Brigadier General Wayne. 


Order of Battle, July i^, ///p. 

The troops will march at OClock and move by the Right 
making a short halt at the Creek or run next on this side Clement's 
— every Officer & non Commissioned Officer will remain with & be 
answerable for every man in their platoons, no Soldier to be per- 
mitted to quit his ranks on any pretext whatever until a general Halt 
is made & then to be attended by one of the Officers of the platoon. 
When the Head of the Troops arrive in the rear of the Hill Col 
Febiger will form his Regiment into a solid Column of a half Platoon 
in front as fast as they come up — Col'l Meigs will form next in 
Febigers rear & Major Hull in the rear of Meigs which will form the 
right Column 

Col'l Butler will form a Column on the left of Febiger — & Major 
Murfree in his rear 

every Officer and Soldier is then to fix a Piece of White paper in 
the most Conspicuous part of his Hat or Cap as an Insignia to be 
distinguished from the Enemy — 

At the Word March Col'l Fleury will take charge of One Hun- 
dred & fifty determined & picked men properly Officered with their 
arms unloaded & placing their whole dependance on the Bayn't, 
who will move about twenty paces in front of the Right Column, 
by the Route i & enter the sally port — he is to detach an Officer 
& twenty men a little in front whose business will be to secure the 
Sentries & Remove the Abbatis & Obstruction for the Column 
to pass through the Column will follow close in the Rear with 
shoulder'd muskets Led by Col'l Febiger & Gen'l Wayne in person — 
When the Works are forced — & not before the Victorious troops as 
they enter will give the Watch Word "The fort is ours" with Re- 
peated and loud voice & drive the Enemy from their Works and 
Guns which will favor the pass of the Whole Troops — Should the 
Enemy Refuse to Surrender — or attempt to make their Escape by 
Water or Otherwise, effectual means must be used to Effiict the 
former & to prevent the Latter. 

Col'l Butler will move by the Route 2, preceded by One Hundred 
men with fixed Bayonets properly Officered & unloaded — at the 
Distance of about 20 yards in front of the Column which will follow 
under Col'l Butler with shouldered muskets and Enter the Sallyport 
" C" or " D." These Hundred will also detach a proper Officer & 



twenty men a little in front to Remove the Obstructions : as soon as 
they gain the Works they are also to give & Continue the Watch 
Word — which will prevent Confusion and mistake 

Major Murfree will follow Col'l Butler to the first figure 3 when 
he will divide a little to the Right & left & wait the Attack on 
the Right — which will be his signal to begin & keep up a per- 
petual and Galling fire & endeavor to enter between & possess the 
works a. a. 

if any Soldier presumes to take his musket from his shoulder or 
attempt to fire or begin the battle until ordered by his proper Officer 
he shall be Instantly put to death by the Officer next him, for the 
Misconduct of one man is not to put the whole Troops in danger or 
disorder — & be suffered to pass with life : — after the troops begin to 
advance to the works the strictest silence must be Observed and the 
closest attention paid to the Commands of the Officers — 

The General has the fullest Confidence in the bravery & fortitude 
of the Corps that he has the happiness to Command — the distin- 
guished Honor confered on every Officer & soldier who has been 
drafted into this corps by His Excellency Gen'l Washington — the 
Credit of the States they Respectively belong to, & their own Repu- 
tation will be such powerful motives for each man to distinguish 
himself that the General can not have the least doubt of a Glorious 
Victory — & he hereby most Solemnly Engages to Reward the first 
man who enters the works with five Hundred Dollars & Immediate 
Promotion ; to the second 400 to the third 300 to the fourth 200 & 
to the fifth 100 Dollars and will Represent the Conduct of every 
Officer & Soldier who distinguishes himself on this Occasion, in the 
most favorable point of View to His Excellency whose Greatest 
pleasure is in Rewarding merit — 

But shou'd there be any Soldier so lost to every feeling of Honor, 
as to attempt to Retreat one single foot or skulk in the face of danger, 
the Officer next to him is Immediately to put him to death — that he 
may no longer disgrace the name of a Soldier, or the Corps or State 
he belongs to — 

As General Wayne is determined to share the danger of the night 
— so he wishes to participate of the Glory of the day in common 
with his fellow Soldiers — 


Colonel Fleury to General Wayne. 

" 15 JULY, 1779. 

** The general Solemnly engages to Reward the ist man who enters 
the work, with five hundred Dollars, and immediate promotion, to 
the Second 400D; to the third 300D ; to the 4th 200D; to the 5th 
looD; & will Represent the Conduct of every officer, and Soldier, 
who Distinguishes himself on this occasion, in the most favourable 
point of view, to his excellency who allwais Receives the greatest 
pleasure in Rewarding merit." 

The following is an extract from Col. Fleury's report : 
" It is unanymously acknowledged that the ist man on the Rampart 
has been 

ist Lt. Colo. Fleury. 

2D Lt Knox pensylvania Line. 

3 Serj Baker Virginia 4 wounds. 

4 Serjeant... Spencer Virginia 2 wounds. 

5 Serjeant... Donlop pensylvania. ...2 wounds. 

" Dr. General 

" I beg — the money to which I am entitled to be Delivered to my 
men 2d. Lt. Knox begs the same. 

*• for my promotion. If I am obliged afterwards to Leave my com- 
mand in the L. infantery I Decline it. but I would be very glad to 
Receive from his excellency, or from Congres some public mark of 
their satisfaction. My military fortune at home Depends on it." 

Wayne's Supplementary Report to the President of Congress. 

[From The Pennsylvania Packet, or The General Advertiser (Dunlap's), Phila- 
delphia, Thursday, August 26, 1779.] 

West- Point, August ro, 1779. 
Sir, — Your very polite favor of the 17th ult. with the extract 
of an act of Congress, I have just now received. The honorable 
manner in which that respectable Body have been pleased to express 
their approbation of my conduct in the enterprize on Stony-Point, 
must be very flattering to a young soldier ; but whilst I experience 


every sensation arising from a consciousness of having used my best 
endeavours to carry the orders of my General into execution, I feel 
much hurt that I did not in my letter to him of the 17th of July, 
mention (among other brave and worthy officers) the names of Lieut. 
Col. Sherman, Majors Hull, Murphy and Posey, whose good con- 
duct and intrepidity justly entitled them to that attention. 

Permit me, therefore, thro' your Excellency, to do them that 
justice now which the state of my wound diverted me from in the 
first instance: And whilst I pay this tribute to real merit, I must 
not omit Major Noirmont De Laneuville, a French gentleman, 
who (in the character of a volunteer) stept amongst the first for 

I will only beg to add, that every officer and soldier, belonging to 
the light corps, discovered a zeal and intrepidity that did and ever 
will secure success. 

I am. 

With every sentiment of esteem. 

Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant 

Ant'y Wayne. 

His Excellency John Jay, Esq; 
President of Congress. 

Published by Order of Congress, 
Charles Thomson, Secretary. 

Washington! s Official Report to Congress. 

[From The New yersey Gazette, vol. ii. No. 84, Trenton, Wednesday, August 

4, I779-] 

Head-quarters, New Windsor, July 21 1779 
Sir, — On the i6th instant I had the honour to inform Congress 
of a successful attack upon the enemy's post at Stony-Point, on the 
preceding night, by Brigadier-General Wayne, and the corps of 
light infantry under his command. The ulterior operations in which 
we have been engaged, have hitherto put it out of my power to 
transmit the particulars of this interesting event. They will now 
be found in the inclosed report, which I have received from General 
Wayne. To the encomiums he has deservedly bestowed on the 


officers and men under his command, it gives me pleasure to add, 
that his own conduct throughout the whole of this arduous enter- 
prize, merits the warmest approbation of Congress, He improved 
upon the plan recommended by me, and executed it in a manner 
that does signal honour to his judgment and to his bravery. In a 
critical moment of the assault, he received a flesh wound in the 
head with a musket ball, but continued leading on his men with 
unshaken firmness. 

I now beg leave, for the private satisfaction of Congress, to 
explain the motives which induced me to direct the attempt. — 

It has been the unanimous sentiment to evacuate the captured 
post at Stony-Point, remove the cannon and stores, and destroy the 
works, which was accomplished on the night of the i8th, one piece 
of heavy cannon only excepted. For want of proper tackling 
within reach to transport the cannon by land, we were obliged to 
send them to the fort by water. The movements of the enemy's 
vessels created some uneasiness on their account, and induced me 
to keep one of the pieces for their protection, which finally could 
not be brought off, without risking more for its preservation than it 
was worth. We also lost a galley which was ordered down to cover 
the boats. She got under way, on her return the afternoon of the 
i8th. The enemy began a severe and continued cannonade upon 
her, from which having received some injury, which disabled her 
from proceeding, she was run ashore. Not being able to get her 
afloat till late in the flood tide, and one or two of the enemy's ves- 
sels under favour of the night, having passed above her, she was set 
on fire and blown up. 

It is probable Congress will be pleased to bestow some marks of 
consideration upon those officers wlio distinguished themselves upon 
this occasion. Every officer and man of the corps deserves great 
credit, but there were particular ones whose situation placed them 
foremost in danger, and made their conduct most conspicuous. 
Lieut. Colonel Fleury and Major Steward commanded the two 
attacks. Lieutenants Gibbons and Knox commanded the advance 
parties or forlorn hopes, and all acquitted themselves as well as it 
was possible. These officers have a claim to be more particularly 

Mr. Archer, who will have the honour of delivering these de- 


spatches, is a volunteer Aid to General Wayne, and a gentleman of 
merit. His zeal, activity, and spirit, are conspicuous upon every 

I have the honour to be, 

With the greatest respect and esteem, 
Your Excellency's Most obedient 
humble servant 

G. Washington. 

I forgot to mention, that two flags and two standards were taken, 
the former belonging to the garrison, and the latter to the 17th regt. 
These shall be sent to Congress by the first convenient opportunity. 

General Wayne to President Peed. 

New Windsor 26th July 1779 
Dear Sir, — Your very polite favor of the 20th I had the pleasure 
of Rec'g last evening — and am much honored by the manner in 
which you are pleased to express your approbation of the Enterprize 
against Stoney Point — the particulars of which you undoubtedly have 
seen before this time 

I think it my duty to Inform your Excellency of the good Con- 
duct of the two young Gent'n who led the Van of each column & 
who are Entitled to some marks of Distinction for an Intrepidity & 
Address that would have done honor to the oldest Soldiers Mr. 
Gibbons of the 6th & Mr. Knox of the 9th Penns'a Regiments 

I have not put pen to paper on the Occasion except to His Ex- 
cellency Gen'l Washington — Indeed my head has been too much 
disordered to attempt it — You will therefore have the goodness to 
excuse a seeming neglect & do me justice by attributing it to the 
cause I have mentioned which will also apologize for the shortness 
of this 

My best wishes to Mrs Reed & believe me 
with every Sentiment of Esteem 
Your Excellencies most Ob't 

& very Hum Serv't 

Ant'y Wayne. 
His Excellency 
Gov'r Reed. 


Colonel Meigs to General Wayne. 
[From the original manuscript.] 

Light Infantry Camp, 22d Aug. 1779. 

Sir, — I think it my duty to inform your honor, that the account 
contain'd in your honors letter to his Excellency of the Reduction 
of Stony Point, is exceptionable to many Officers in the Brigade — 
It is thought that as the Acco't now Stands, the Public must be in- 
duced to believe, that L't Col'o Fleury, Major Stewart, Lieu'ts 
Gibbons & Knox, forced their way into the Works, which made the 
advancing of the Columns comparatively easy — While the fact is 
that the volunteers of the Right Column did not Suffer more in 
proportion than the Columns in General — the Gentlemen don't 
object to the encomiums given in your honors letter of any one of 
the Officers there mention'd, who upon ev'ry principle ought to be 
distinguishingly noticed But think that there is the appearance of 
partiallity, in not mentioning any wounded Officer except L't Colo- 
nel Hay, whose wounds are equally honorable & no more so than 
the Others — the Officer who voluntarily took charge of the Petti- 
augre on board of which were a considerable part of the Stores, & 
under a Severe cannonade rowed her off, it is thought deserves some 
notice I would not think that your honor would deliberately shew 
a partiallity to any particular Corps or State. On the Contrary I 
am convinced that you are actuated by Sentiments as great as the 
magnitude of the cause in which we are mutually combin'd. 

The multiplicity of matters which crowded upon your honor at 
the time you wrote his Excellency, exclusive of the attention neces- 
sary to your own wound, made it impossible for you to take up ev'ry 
circumstance of the attack — I beg leave to submit it to your honor 
Whether the names of the other wounded Officers ; & two or three 
others who enter'd the Fort nearly at the same instant with Col'o 
Fleury; ought not to be mention'd in a subjoin'd account. I 
know they claim it as due to them Since others are mention'd — 
Our feelings in these matters are exquisite, & are absolutely neces- 
sary to us as Soldiers — The honorable mention made of my name 
with the other Colonels is to the utmost of my wishes — As Major 
Hull Commanded a Reg't in the Attack, I could have wish'd that 
his name had been mentioned with the Colonels — A Sincere wish 


that the most cordial harmony may ever Subsist thro : the States & 
Army — and more particularly in the Light Corps at this time, has 
induced me to write — 

I have the honor to be 

with great esteem & respect 

your honors Obed't Serv't 
R. I. Meigs, Colonel 

Lieutenant- Colonel Sherman to General Wayne. 
[From the original manuscript.] 

Light Infantry Camp 22d Aug. 1779 

Sir, — Can it be supposed that the officers of the New England 
line are totally void of sentiment, that those fine and delicate feel- 
ings which ever distinguish the generous and manly soul are inca- 
pable of making any impression on them. Honor and glory are, 
together with a desire of rendering our country great, happy, and 
respectable the grand incentives to our continuing in the army. 
And what can be more agreeable to the man of feeling, or what can 
be a greater inducement to urge him on to the performance of 
actions great and hazardous, as well as glorious, but the happiness 
of his country, a desire of the grateful applause of his fellow citi- 
zens, and of transmitting his name in an amiable point of view to 
the world. These are the united motives that have inspired you to 
tread the scenes of carnage ; for no one will believe the welfare of 
your country separate from every other consideration, was the only 
incentive. The glory you have acquired by the last daring and well 
conducted enterprise, has gained you a name which will be coeval 
with the annals of american history; which, perhaps, time herself 
will be unable to efface. Similar motives you must think warm our 
bosoms, and stimulate us to similar actions. 

When first appointed to the Light Infantry was happy to hear the 
command was given to you. Your brave and spirited behaviour in 
the action of Monmouth endeared you to your brethren in the field, 
and merited the highest applause ; but your letter to gen'l Wash- 
ington on the reduction of Stony Point, in the minds of many 
judicious persons, has in some measure tarnished the lustre of your 
character, and rendered your command less agreeable. However, 


we wish to believe it was owing to the variety of business that de- 
manded your attention at that time, rather than any other cause — 
that your only view was to give an impartial history, to state facts 
as they really were, without any design of partiality — 

I wish not to depreciate the merit of any officer, neither would I 
presume to do it, as it is descriptive of a base degenerate mind ; but 
I wish, if any discrimination was necessary to be made, that every 
officer might be noticed according to his merit in the action, and if 
any were deficient in duty, they may be particularly pointed out. — 

There appears in the account you have given evident marks of a 
State partiality; all distinctions of which kind I detest, and ardently 
wish they may be for ever banished from the mind of every friend 
to his country; they have a tendency to lay a foundation for future 
broils: for when once a man is sensibly injured, if he is possessed of 
the least feeling he doth not soon forget it. Why cannot we con- 
sider ourselves as one and walk hand in hand like brethren ? Are 
we not embarked in the same cause, and does not our independance 
rest on our united efforts? But rather than be injured, rather than 
be trampled upon and considered as insignificant beings in the scale 
— my blood boils at the thought. Nature recoils, and points out a 
mode, the only one of redress — 

I am not anxious to have my name transmitted to publick view, 
neither do I think any thing can be said of me more than barely 
attending to duty — I am not writing for myself, but I feel for 
those officers under my command as well as others who merit as 
much as those most distinguished by you. 

Duty, separate from the ties of friendship is sufficient, to induce 
me to acquaint you with the sentiments and uneasiness of many 
officers under your command, which, perhaps, is more extensive 
than you may imagine. It is still in your power to place things in 
their proper channel, to gain our affection, and confidence, and 
then, when called into the field, inspired by your example, animated 
with a desire of crowning you with fresh laurels, every thing will 
conspire to induce us to play the man. 

However conspicuous you may appear in the eyes of the world, 
you cannot imagin your reputation is so firmly established as never 
to be sullied, and that the affections and confidence of your officers 
is unworthy your consideration. You have not arrived beyond the 


regions of censure, and our feelings as well as interest require that 
there should be a more full and impartial representation of facts 
than you have made. — The integrity of my intentions I hope, will 
apologize for my troubling you on this subject. 

I have the honor to be, 
with the greatest respect, 
your most Obed't Serv't 
Isaac Sherman 

L't Col 
Gen'l Wayne 

General Wayne's Reply to Colonel Meigs. 

Fort Montgomery 23rd Aug't 1779 

Sir, — I was presented with yours of yesterday on my way to Head 
Quarters — & as I sincerely believe your Inducement for writing that 
Letter proceeded from the motive you mention — I shall therefore 
answer it with that Candor, which I hope will always govern my 
Actions whilst honored with the Command I now hold 

If I know my own heart, — I am as clear of Local prejudices as 
any Gentleman on this ground — perhaps /?/// as much so, as those who 
effect to suspect me of it, — & who/^^/ themselves so much hurt at my 
Letter of the 17th Ultimo to His Excellency Gen'l Washington on 
the Reduction of Stoney Point. 

I have re-examined that letter with Attention, & am well con- 
vinced that it contains a true & Impartial relation of facts, too well 
known to admit of a Contradiction,— & that the mention made of 
such Officers only, whose particular Commands, Situation or Circum- 
stances, rendered it Necessary, is warranted by example, & founded 
upon just & Military principles — 

I,et us suppose for a moment, that I was to name every Officer who 
}iad — or in Similar Circumstances would have equally distinguished 
himself on that Occation, — I am confident that I shou'd have to 
recapitulate the names of every Officer in the Corps, otherwise not 
have done justice to their merit, — & perhaps it would not have rested 
here, but must have gone down to every Non commissioned Officer 
& private, — the Absurdity is too Obvious to admit of a serious com- 
ment, — no but says Suspicion — " you ought to have placed Other 
"Officers at the head of the Volunteers, and not have given one 


"Command to Lieu't Colo' Fleury — who was a frenchman, & not 
** belonging to any particular State, — and the other to Major Stew- 
"ard — a Marylander, & the forlorn hope to Messrs Gibbons & 
*' Knox who were Pennsylvanians" 

In answer to which I need only observe — (& it will strike every 
Military Gentleman — ) that the two former were the only Field 
Officers in the Corps except Colonels Butler, & Febeger, Lieut 
Col'o Hay and Major Posey (who had other Commands Assigned 
them) that had a Competant, if any knowledge of the Situation of 
the Enemies works, or Approaches to them, — and which they had 
for many days previous to the Storm, made it their particular busi- 
ness to Obtain, — I therefore say, that upon every Principle, Military, 
as well as Prudencial, they ought to have been placed at the Head 
of the Columns, and on this Ground I trust I shall stand justified to 
my General, & in the eye of the World for my Conduct. 

But why Gibbons & Knox, — why are two Officers belonging to 
"the State of Penti'a to be honored with ihe^ forlorn hopes, & so 
"particularly mentioned to in your Letter of the 17th July" 

As to the first, I am Informed they Obtained it by lot, — for my 
own part I did not even know, that they were among the Volunteers 
until they had taken post in their Respective Commands. 

The following extract of a Letter from His Excellency, added to 
their own good Conduct, will best answer the latter. 

In yours of the i6th " you do not mention the names of the two 
" Officers who led the Advanced parties to the two Columns, — you 
" will be pleased to do it with all the Circumstances of Conduct, & 
" loss which they Sustained" 

So that after I had despatched my first Letter to His Excellency, 
I again wrote it over & Inserted the very particulars which seem to 
give so much uneasiness — and shou'd Certainly have done the same 
had they been Officers belonging to any Other State, than that of 

but why was not the Gentlemen mentioned who Voluntarially took 
charge of the Boats with the Ordnance «& Stores on the Evacuation 
Of Stoney Point, — for the very reasons already assigned, and because 
every Officer & Soldier are Generally, & honorably mentioned, in 
that very exceptional Letter to His Excellency, & because it is 
actually dated two days previous to the Circumstance you allude to 


" But why was not Major Hull & some Other field Ofificers taken 
"notice of — tliey were not many, & surely might have been men- 
" tioned" — true, & I was not a little hurt on account of the Omis- 
sion, — but the politeness of Congress put it in my Power to do that 
justice to their Merit, which they certainly deserved — & which you'l 
find in the Enclosed copy of a Letter to His Excellency John Jay 
Esq'r — & which I flatter myself was Published by Order of Congress 
previous to the date of your's 

I must therefore Request you to place this matter in its proper 
point of View — not only to the Officers of your Regiment — but to 
Others who may have read my Letters & Returns with a Prejudiced, 
or Inattentive eye, — and assure them that I wish for nothing more 
than an Opportunity of Producing a Conviction to the World that 
I detest Local Prejudices, as much as I pity the man who would 
unjustly suspect me of them — and that I hope the day is not far 
distant when an Other Brilliant Action or Actions may put it in my 
Power — to do justice to their Merit and to recapitulate their good 
Conduct on a former Occation i.e. when I can do it in a Military way 

Interim I am Your most Ob't 

& very Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne. 

I have rec'd a letter dated yesterday from Lieu't Col'o Sher- 
man, of a very extraordinary Nature, — which at a Proper Season will 
require a very Serious & particular explanation, — for altho' I don't 
wish to Incur any Gentlemans displeasure, yet, I put up with no 

man' s Insults 

A. Wayne 
Col'o Meigs 

Colonel Sherman to General Wayne. 

Light Infantry Camp 24th Aug. 1779 
Sir, — I find in the Postscript of your letter to Col. Meigs, you 
think mine of the 22d instant to be of an extraordinary nature ; and 
which will require a serious and particular explanation ; that you 
wish not to incur the displeasure of any gentleman, and that you 
mean not to receive an insult from any man. 

These are sentiments which ought to inspire the mind of every 
man of honor, and are entirely correspondent with my own feelings. 


An explanation of my letter, I wish and am ready to give when 

To insult you, I declare upon my honor, never was my intention ; 
my view was to acquaint you there was an uneasiness among the offi- 
cers of your command, and the cause. — They imagined themselves 
sensibly injured, and wished you to be acquainted with it. — I there- 
fore wrote you on the subject, with an expectation that matters would 
be adjusted to our mutual satisfaction. I am sensible that I expressed 
myself with a good deal of warmth, arising from my feelings at that 
time — While on the one hand, I considered we had attended to duty, 
and merited at least your notice ; so on the other, I thought we were 
viewed of no consequence in the Scale of Beings — the thought 
awoke all my sensations — it would have animated a dead man — So 
far from thinking to make use of compulsive measures to gain redress 
that I can assure you; it never entered my mind. 

I am, with the greatest Esteem 

Your Obed Ser't 

Isaac Sherman. 
Gen'l Wayne. 

Major Hull to General Wayne. 

Light Infantry Camp 25th Aug't 1779 
Sir, — When I first saw your Honours Letters to his Excellency 
giving an Account of the Expedition against Stoney Point, no Ar- 
guments that I could use with myself could convince me, that a 
Degree of Injustice was not done me — Lest I should judge wrong in 
the Matter, I consulted some of my Judicious Friends on the Sub- 
ject, and found their Sentiments coincided with mine — desirous that 
no Broils should be created in the Corps on my Account, I pointed 
out to his Excellency with as much Modesty as my Situation would 
admit, the Grounds of my Uneasiness, and only requested Permis- 
sion to retire to my Reg't In Consequence of this Request, his Ex- 
cellency was pleased to send me a Note, desiring my Company at 
his Quarters for the Purpose of giving me a Satisfactory Explanation 
of the Subject of my Letter — I was happy to find the Explanation 
satisfactory, and have been made doubly happy since in seeing your 
Letter of the loth inst (to the Presid't of Congress) wherein ample 
Justice is done me, and the Cause of the first Omission clearly 


pointed out — I am only unhappy that I imputed the Neglect to the 
wrong Cause, and am now firmly persuaded that you was actuated by 
no other Principles, than equal and impartial Justice to your Corps 
— I shall now Sir, consider myself happy to remain in your Corps, 
and shall make it my Study to cherish & cultivate Harmony & 
Union with my Brother Officers — I have the Honor to be with 
perfect Esteem your most Obed't Serv't 

W'm Hull 
[Addressed, " Gen'l Wayne Present."] 

General Wayne's Reply to Major Hull. 

Light Infantry Camp Aug't 1779. 
Dear Sir, — The Candid manner in which you have in yours of 
this date deliver'd your Sentiments, gives a Sensation which I can 
much better feel than express — my highest Ambition is to Merit the 
Esteem & Confidence of every Officer of the Light Corps — 

Conscious of the Rectitude of my Heart I feel doubly happy in 
your Approbation of my Conduct — & I have the most happy pre- 
sages, that by Mutual Confidence and a Strict & due Observance 
of Orders & Discipline this Corps will produce a Conviction to the 
world that the sons of America deserve to be free 

I am with true Regard yours 

Most Sincerely 

Ant'y Wayne 

General Wayne' s Reply to Major Posey. 
[From the original draught in General Wayne's autograph.] 

Fort Montgomery aSth August 1779 
Sir, — Your very Laconic note of the 1 2tk Instant enclosing a Copy 
of a long letter to His Excellency Gen'l Washington — I purposely 
delayed Answering until you had an Opportunity of being convinced 
that I had made use of the first Opening of doing justice to your 

You'l now permit me to make some Observations on your Letter 
to his Excellency of the loth Instant, you say — " it is perfectly well 
"known to General Wayne that I led the Battalion which Com- 


"posed the front of the Right Column, where he himself marched 
"until we came to the beach — when Gen'l Wayne left the Head 
'^ 0/ the Column After which I had the sole Guidance 6^ Direction 
"of if' 

Surely Sir you had forgot that the brave & Intrepid Lieut Col'o 
Fleury was Immediately in front of you who had some claim to the 
Guidance of it, & that if Gen'l Wayne had left the Column Intirely, 
yet a Meigs, a Febiger, a Sherman, & a Hull (were present) and 
each of them Senior Officers to you) would have claimed the Direc- 
tion of it 

But I am Certain they have too much Modesty to assume it — as it's 
too well known that I myself continued to direct it even after I had 
Rec'd my wound — & that at the point of my Spear — I at least help'd 
to direct the greater part of the Column over the Abbatis and into 
the Works, & to take measures to Secure them & the Prisoners after 
(which perhaps may not be so well known to you Sir as to Other 

You ask a number of Queries of Gen'l Wayne all tending to 
prove that you did at least your duty, — Gen'l Wayne answers you, 
that you did, — & that he highly approved of your Conduct appears 
in his letter of the 17th Ultimo Viz 

" I should take up too much of your Excellency's time was I to 
" particularise every Individual who deserves it for their bravery 
"on this Occation" — (& again) — "Its with the greatest pleasure 
" I acknowledge to your Excellency that I was supported in the 
" Attacks by all the Officers & Soldiers to the utmost of my wishes" 

but not content with this, as soon as Congress put it in my power, 
I did that further Justice to your Merit which I thought you Entitled 
to — as you'l see by the enclosed Copy of a Letter to John Jay Esq 
on the Occation. 

I now request you to read my Letter to His Excellency Gen'l 
Washington & the Returns of the killed & wounded with an 
Attentive & unprejudiced eye, together with the Copy of a letter 
herewith transmitted — Re examine yours of the loth to His Ex- 
cellency Gen'l Washington — & then consult your own feelings, — 
perhaps on cool reflection you may find that there are some expres- 
sions made use of tending to hold up an Idea of want of Prowess 
in me — which was Supplied by you 


Was that really your Intention, and you still Continue in the same 
Opinion — I know that you will have Candor enough to acknowledge 
it, — (not to me as your Superior Officer) but to me as a Private 
Gentleman very tenacious of my Ho7wr, — which honor is now 
plighted to meet you on that ground only. 

But should you have no Intention to cast a Shade on my Military 
Character (as a Gentleman of those nice feelings which I believe 
you to possess) — I now call on you to place that matter in a proper 
point of View 

Interim I am with due Esteem 
Your most Hum'l Ser't 

Ant'y Wayne 

Major Posey 


Description of the Medals voted by Congress for the Capture of Stony 


The following descriptions are from Dr. Mease's Description of 
some Medals, etc., in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, Third Series, vol. iv. pp. 301-303. 

^ General Wayne's. *' Device. An Indian Queen crowned ; a 
quiver on her back, and wearing a short apron of feathers ; a mantle 
hangs from her waist behind : the upper end of the mantle appears 
as if passed through the girdle of her apron, and hangs gracefully 
by her left side. She is presenting, with her right hand, a wreath 
to General Wayne, who receives it gracefully. In her left hand, 
the Queen is holding up a crown towards the General. On her 
left, and at her feet, an alligator is stretched out. She stands on 
a bow \ a shield, with the American stripes, rests against her left 

*^ Legend. Antonio Wayne, Duci Exercitus Comitia Ameri- 

*^ Reverse. — Device. A fort with two turrets, on the top of a hill ; 
the British flag flying : troops in single or Indian file, advancing in 
the front and rear up the hill : numbers lying at the bottom. Troops 
advancing in front, at a distance, on the edge of the river: another 


party to the right of the fort. A piece of artillery posted on the 
plain, so as to bear upon the fort: ammunition on the ground : six 
vessels in the river. 

" Legend. Stony Point Expugnatum. 

''Exergue. XV Jul. MDCCLXXIX." 

It is said of this medal, in another place in the same volume (p. 
302), that it "is superbly executed, and most tastefully designed. 
The description is taken from the original in the possession of 
General Wayne's son. It weighs 63 dwt. 18 grains." 

Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury's. " Device. A soldier helmetted 
and standing against the ruins of a fort : his right hand extended, 
holding a sword upright : the staff of a stand of colours reversed in 
his left : the colours under his feet : his right knee drawn up, as if 
in the act of stamping on them. 

''Legend. Virtutis Et Audaci^e Monum. Et Premium D. De 
Fleury Equiti Gallo Primo Super Muros Resp. Americ. D. D. 

" Reverse. Two water batteries, three guns each : one battery 
firing at a vessel : a fort on a hill : flag firing : river in front : six 
vessels before the fort. 

"Legend. Aggeres Paludes Hostes Victi. 

"Exergue. Stony Pt. Expugn. XV. Jul. MDCCLXXIX." 

The following, from The Pennsylvania Packet and General Ad- 
vertiser, No. 1650, Philadelphia, Thursday, January 22, 1784, con- 
tains a narrative of the presentation of this medal : 

*•' Paris, Oct. 17. Dr. Franklin has lately delivered to the sieur De 
Fleury, major of the regiment of the Saintonge and lieutenant- 
colonel in the service of the United States of America, a medal 
which has been decreed for him by Congress, after taking of Stoney 
Point. That fort which was defended by 30 pieces of cannon and 
600 picked men, was carried in the night of the 15th July, 1779, 
by a detachment of iioo men under the command of gen. Wayne. 
The sieur De Fleury who commanded the van guard, leaped first 
into the intrenchments, and struck down with his own hand the 
English flag." 

Major Steward's. ''Device. America personified in an Indian 
queen, is presenting a palm branch to Captain Steward : a quiver 



hangs at her back : her bow and an alligator are at her feet : with 
her left hand she supports a shield inscribed with the American 
stripes, and resting on the ground. 

^^ Legend. Joanni Stewart Cohortis Prefecto Comitia Ameri- 

^^ Reverse. A fortress on an eminence: in the foreground, an 
officer cheering his men, who are following him over abatis with 
charged bayonets, in pursuit of a flying enemy : troops in Indian 
files ascending the hill to the storm, front and rear : troops ad- 
vancing from the shore : ships in sight. 

^^ Exergue. Stoney Point Oppugnatum, XV Jul. MDCC- 



To (regarding St. Clair), 14th October, 1778 168 

To Bayard, Colonel Stephen, Mount Joy, 28th March, 1778 119 

To Birdsell, Henry, and others, Fredericksburg, 5th October, 1778 171 

To Board of War, Camp at Mount Prospect, 3d June, 1777 64 

To Campbell, Major William (British), Banks of the Miami, 21st August, 

1794 335 

To Clymer, George, Ticonderoga, 15th December, 1776 52 

To Delany, Sharp, Ticonderoga, 15th December, 1776 45 

" " (Extract), 20th February, 1777 49 

" " Camp Mount Prospect, 7th June, 1777 65 

" " Mount Joy, 2lst May, 1778 139 

" " SpringsteePs, 15th July, 1779 192 

To Febiger, Colonel Christian, Second River, 9th December, 1779 213 

To Field Officers of Pennsylvania Line, Philadelphia, 14th March, 1779 175 

" " " Tappan, 12th August, 1780 232 

To Franklin, Benjamin, and others. Camp at Sorel, 13th June, 1776 29 

" " Ticonderoga, 29th July, 1776 37 

" " and Morton, Ticonderoga, 2d October, 1776 41 

To Harmar, Colonel Josiah (Extract), Philadelphia, 24th February, 1779 176 

To Henderson, Lieutenant, and others, Fredericksburg, 9th October, 1778.... 172 

To Hull, Major William, Light Infantry Camp, August, 1779 413 

To Irvine, General William, Waynesborough, i8th May, 1784 296 

To Jay, John, President of Congress, West Point, loth August, 1779 402 

To Johnston, Colonel Francis, Ticonderoga, 12th January, 1776 54 

" " " Mount Kemble, 1 6th December, 1780 240 

To Knox, Henry, Secretary of War, Grand Glaize, 28th August, 1794 331 

To Lee, Major Henry, White Plains, 20th July, 1778 145 

To Mease, James, Clothier-General, Mount Joy, 6th February, 1778 117 

To Meigs, Colonel Return Jonathan, Fort Montgomery, 23d August, 1779 409 

To Morris, Robert, Fredericksburg, 5th October, 1778 156 

" " Williamsburg, 14th September, 1781 279 

" " York, 26th October, 1781 283 

To Morton, John, and Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Ticonderoga, 2d October, 1776 41 

To Officers of Light Infantry Corps, Second River, 2d January, 1780 215 




To Pennsylvania Officers, Princeton, 8th January, 1781 255 

To Penrose, Colonel, Ticonderoga, 23d August, 1776 36 

To Peters, Richard, Ticonderoga, 1st December, 1776 46 

Camp at White Marsh, l8th November, 1777 105 

Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 26th January, 1778 116 

Mount Joy, 8th February, 1778 118 

" I2th April, 1778 124 

" 13th May, 1778 , 137 

Paramus, 12th July, 1778 153 

To Posey, Major, Fort Montgomery, 28th August, 1779 413 

To Reed, Joseph, President of Pennsylvania, 28th December, 1778 162 

« " " " Millstone, 24th January, 1779.. 177 

« « " " Totoway, 26th July, 1780 219 

" " " " Camp at Steenrapia, 17th Sep- 
tember, 1780 227 

" " " " Princeton, 8th January, 1781... 255 

To Rush, Dr. Benjamin, Ticonderoga, i8th October, 1776 41 

" " Camp at Mount Prospect [June, 1777] 70 

" " Charlestown, 24th December, 1782 301 

To Schuyler, General Philip, Ticonderoga, 2d January, 1777 47 

« " " " 22d January, 1777 48 

« " " " I2th February, 1777 55 

To Sheel, Hugh A., Haverstraw, 2d October, 1780 235 

To Speaker of Pennsylvania Assembly, Mount Joy, 13th May, 1778 121 

To Van Berkle, P. I., Philadelphia, 22d October, 1784 310 

To Washington, Camp near Wilmington, 2d September, 1777 75 

" Red Lion, 2ist September, 1777 83 

" Camp near White Marsh, 22d October, 1777 84 

« " " 27th October, 1777 109 

« Camp at White Marsh, 25th November, 1777 no 

" Camp, 4th December, 1777 in 

« Haddonfield, 4th March, 1778 131 

" Mount Joy, 2 1st April, 1778 134 

« " i8th June, 1778 136 

" Hopewell, 24th June, 1778 143 

" Fort Montgomery, 3d July, 1779 186 

" " loth July, 1779 395 

15th July, 1779 398 

« Stony Point, i6th July, 1779 196 

« " 17th July, 1779 2°8 

" Totoway, I oth July, 1780 223 

« Tappan, loth August, 1780 230 

« " nth August, 1780 231 

« Smith's White House, 27th September, 1780 234 




To Washington, Mount Kemble, 2d January, 1781 242 

" Trenton, 9th January, 1781 260 

" Philadelphia, 27th February, 1781 262 

To Wayne, Mrs. Mary, Ticonderoga, 12th August, 1776 35 

" 3d January, 1777 35 

« " Camp at Mount Prospect, 7th June, 1777 66 

« « Blue Bell, 26lh August, 1777 74 

« « Trappe, 30th September, 1777 93 

" " Camp near Pawling Mill, 6th October, 1777 95 

« '« Spottswood, ist July, 1778 152 

" « Richmond, Georgia, 5th July, 1790 313 

To Wharton, Thomas, Jr., President of Pennsylvania, Mount Joy, 27th March, 

1778 125 

« « " " " 4th May, 1778 120 
To Wounded Officers, Providence Forge, loth July, 1781 275 


Abercrombie, Mr., 132. 
Allen, Colonel William, at Three 
Rivers, 30, 31, 32; resignation of, 
regretted, 39, 
Ambler's Plantation, engagement near, 

Andr6, Major John, The Cow-Chase by, 

quoted, 222 ; mentioned, 234. 
Arbuthnot, Admiral, 227. 
Archer, Captain Henry W., aide to 
Wayne at Stony Point, 195; thanked 
by Congress, 198; mentioned, 210. 
Archer, J., letter of, to Colonel Richard 

Butler, 396; mentioned, 405. 
Armstrong, General John, 74; at Ger- 
mantown, 94; Wayne to, on rank, 
Armstrong, General John, Jr., 78, 
Arnold, General Benedict, reinforced, 
25; Wayne covers his retreat from 
Montreal, 31, 32 ; Philadelphia under, 
162; chapter on treason of, 211 ; 
treason of, alluded to, 233, 235, 360, 
Associators of Pennsylvania, 17; dis- 
banded, 60. 
Atlee, Margaretta, nke Wayne, 354. 
Atlee, Colonel Samuel J., 17. 
Atlee, William R., 373. 


Bache, Mrs, Sarah, aids the soldiers, 

Baker, Sergeant, 403. 

Balfour, Dr. George, 343. 

Ball, Colonel, 399. 

Ball, Lieutenant William, arrested, 171, 

172, 173- 
Bank of North America established to 
relieve the wants of the soldiers, 
Barber, General, 331,332. 
Barber, Major, 273. 
Barras, Louis de, leaves Newport for 

the Chesapeake, 278. 
Barren Hill, attempt to capture La Fay- 
ette at, 139. 
Bartholomew family, 67. 
Bawser, William, 259. 
Bayard, Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen, 
loi, 102, 1 15, 159 ; wounded at Bran- 
dywine, 79 ; letters of Wayne to, on 
clothing, etc., 119, 121, 123. 
Bayonets wanted by Wayne, June 7, 
1777. 65; ordered by Wayne, and 
his opinion of, 1 18 ; use of, taught by 
Steuben and Wayne, 130; use of, at 
Monmouth, 148. 
Beggarstown, 97. 

Bergen Heights, Wayne ordered to at- 
tack block-house at, 218; Wayne's 
letter to Reed regarding, 219; Reed's 
reply, 220, 
Berkle, Mr. P. I. Van, on negotiating a 

loan, 310. 
Bicker, Colonel, 100, loi. 
Biddle, Colonel Clement, 133. 
Biddle, E., 166. 

Bigelow, Major, sent with a flag to 
Canada, 35. 




Billingsport, Washington strengthens 
the posts at, I02. 

Bingham, Sergeant, 91. 

Bird, Mark, l66. 

Bird's Tavern, 273. 

Birdsell, Henry and James, 172. 

Birmingham Meeting- House, 77. 

Bissell, Captain Russell, 343. 

Bitting, Captain, death of, 242. 

Blatchley, Dr., 255. 

Block-house at Bergen, Wayne ordered 
to attack, 218; his letter to Reed on 
the subject, 219; Reed's reply, 220. 

Board of War, letter to, from Wayne 
on clothing and retreat of General 
Grant, 64. 

Boston, tea destroyed at, 12 ; conduct of 
mob at, not universally approved, 12. 

Boyer, Colonel, taken prisoner, 274. 

Brandt, Joseph, 338. 

Brandywine, battle of, described, 77, 

" British Rebels," a name given to the 
enemy by Wayne, 36. 

Broadhead, Lieutenant-Colonel Daniel, 
62,83,86, loi ; at PitL'sburgh, 157; 
mentioned, 159. 

Brock, Captain Joseph, t^IT)- 

Brown, Colonel Thomas (British), 289. 

Bruner, Lieutenant-Colonel, 102. 

Buchanan, Captain Thomas, 78. 

Burgoyne, General Sir John, n, 37, 64 ; 
at Three Rivers, 28, 30; left to his 
fate by Howe, 73 ; effect on Con- 
gress of the capture of, 124 ; surrender 
of, commented on by Wayne, 283. 

Burk, ^danus, 296. 

BurwelFs Ferry, Virginia, 278. 

Butler, Edward, 80, 320. 

Butler, Colonel Richard, 80, 2,t^, 84, 
loi, 132, 169, 170, 179, 184, 185, 186, 
208, 209, 214, 215, 233, 242, 243, 
267, 286, 399, 401, 402, 411 ; at 
Monmouth, 145, 153; commands in 

Light Infantry Corps, 180; recon- 
noitres Stony Point, 190; Washing- 
ton approves of conduct of, 253 ; 
letter of, to the officers, 255 ; diary 
of, quoted, 278, 281 ; quoted, 292, 
294; death of, 320; orders to, re- 
garding Stony Point, 396. 

Butler, Captain Thomas, 79, 80 ; 
wounded, 320. 

Butler, Lieutenant-Colonel William, 62, 
80, loi ; on the Mohawk, 157, 159, 

. 233- 

Byles, Major Thomas L., 179. 
Byrd, Mrs., of Westover, thanks Wayne 
for his kindness, 277. 

Cabin Point, Virginia, 276. 

Cadwalader, General John, 142, 143, 

Cadwalader, Colonel Lambert, 159. 

Caldwell, , 255. 

Campbell, Lieutenant, 'i'ii'i. 

Campbell, Major William (British), 
Wayne's correspondence with, Au- 
gust 21, 1794, 335. 

Campbell. See Miss Campbell. 

Canada, Wayne's campaign in, 25 ; 
hopes of its joining the other colo- 
nies, 25 ; Wayne opposed to a cam- 
paign against, in 1780, 224. 

Cannon, James, 68. 

Carleton, General Sir Guy, 35. 

Carroll, Rev. John, 27. 

Censors, Council of, duty of the, 302. 

Chad^s Ford, Wayne stationed at, 77. 

Chambers, Colonel James, 64; at battle 
of Brandywine, 78, 84, 87,99, l^7> 
159, 179. 233. 

Chambers, Colonel William, 62. 

Chapman, Major Albert, 214, 215. 

Charleston, reduction and evacuation 
of, 291, 292. 



Chase, Samuel, 27. 

Chester County^ proceedings in, at the 
beginning of the Revolution, 14; 
military ardor in, at the beginning 
of the Revolution, 17; Revolution 
in, 19 ; opposed to independency 
in 1775, 21. 

Church, Major Thomas, 18, 102, 159, 

Cincinnati, Georgia State Society of, 
Wayne elected president of, 297 ; 
Pennsylvania Society of, erect a 
monument to Wayne at St. David's, 
Radnor, Pennsylvania, 344, 350. 

Cincinnati. See Fort Washington, 325, 

Clarke, General Sir Alured (British), 

Clarkson, Gerardus, interested in Nova 

Scotia lands, 8. 
Clarkson, Matthew, interested in Nova 

Scotia lands, 8. 
Clayton, Mr., 86. 
Clinton, Sir Henry, 136, 140, 141, 182, 

216, 219, 223, 224, 225, 228; action 

of, when hearing of the mutiny in 

the American camp, 246, 268, 362. 
Clothing, want of, at Valley Forge, 115. 
Clothing of troops neglected, 138, 162. 
Clymer, George, letter to, from Wayne 

on sickness at Ticonderoga, 52. 
Coe, Captain, 55, 56. 
Collins, Mr. (printer), 145. 
Commissary department reprimanded 

by Wayne, 184. 
Congress, report of, on condition and 

wants of the army, 218; flight of, 

from Philadelphia, 298. 
Connor, Lieutenant-Colonel Morgan, 

" Conway Cabal," Wayne shocked at 

the intrigues of the, 114. 
Conway, General Thomas, 62, loo; at 

Germantown, 95. 

Cook, Colonel, 100, 

Cornwallis, Lord, 238, 266, 267, 268, 
269, 273, 357; at Brandywine, 77; 
retires to Portsmouth, 276 ; takes posi- 
tion at Yorktown, 277 ; surrender of, 
282 ; note of, to Wayne, 282. 

Councils of war, Wayne's opinion of, 

Covington, Lieutenant Leonard, 333. 

Cow-Chase, The, by Andre, on attack 
on the block-house, quoted, 222. 

Craig, Colonel Thomas, 100, loi, 159, 
179. 233, 254, 282, 286; at Mon- 
mouth, 147. 

Creek Indians attack Wayne's camp at 
Sharon, 290. 

Crown Point, 33; strength of, 52. 


Davis family, 67. 

Dawson, Henry B., quoted on Stony 

Point, 182; mentioned, 207. 
Dayton, Colonel William, 56. 
De Butts, Captain Henry, 333. 
Declaration of Independence little 

mentioned in 1777,56; not approved 

by all, 58. 
Dehaes, General John Philip, 37, 43, 

44, 158. 
Delany, Sharp, letter of Wayne to, on 
intense cold at Ticonderoga, 45 ; 
mentioned, 47 ; letter of Wayne to, 
on affairs at Ticonderoga, 49 ; letter 
of, to Wayne on his appointment as 
brigadier-general, 50; Wayne's letter 
to, from camp at Mount Prospect, 65 ; 
Wayne to, in regard to pay of the 
officers, 128; letter of Wayne to, on 
Barren Hill, 139; Wayne's letter to, 
previous to attack on Stony Point, 
192 ; to Wayne on capture of Stony 
Point, 200; executor to Wayne's 
will, 355. 



Desertions punished by Wayne, 22 ; 
among Wayne's troops at Pittsburgh, 

Dickinson, President, 298. 
Discipline maintained by Wayne, 23 ; 

Wayne on, 46. 
Donlop, Sergeant, 403. 
Donop, Count, killed at Red Bank, 103. 
Douglass, Lieutenant William, 78. 
Doyle, Captain, 131, 132. 
Dufifield, Edward, interested in Nova 

Scotia lands, 8. 
Duncan, Ensign, 333. 
Dunlap, 83. 
Duportail, General Lebegue. See Por- 

tail, 284. 


Edwards, Major, 270. 

Egle, William H., letter concerning 
the statement that the Celtic Irish 
composed the Pennsylvania line, 248, 

Ellis, Colonel, 131, 132. 

England refuses to surrender the posts 
in the Northwest, 315; encourages 
the Indians in their hostilities against 
the United States, 329. 

English rebels, 46, 52, 54. 

Erie, monument erected to the memory 
of Wayne at, 344. 

Estaing, Count d', arrival of, 155; 
operations of, against Rhode Island, 
156; against Savannah, 156; men- 
tioned, 279. 

Evans, Issachar, 373. 

Evans, William, 373. 


Farmer, Mr., 221. 
Fatland Ford, 84. 

Febiger, Colonel Christian, 184, 185, 
208, 209, 213, 399, 401, 411, 415; 

commands in Light Infantry Corps, 
180; reconnoitres Stony Point, 190 ; 
at Stony Point, 194; troops under, 
in want of shoes, 212. 

Finley, Major, 290. 

Finney, W., letter of, to Wayne, on be- 
half of wounded officers, 276. 

Fishboume, Captain Benjamin, aide to 
Wayne, 195 ; mentioned, 210, 252. 

Fleury, Colonel Louis, 190,209; strikes 
the colors at Stony Point, 195 ; 
thanked by Congress, 198 ; report 
of, to Wayne, 403 ; mentioned, 404, 
405, 407, 411, 415; description of 
medal presented to, 417. 

Fort Defiance, erection of, 330. 

Fort Jefferson, 326, 327. 

Fort Lafayette, 186. 

Fort Lee, 219. 

Fort Massac, 336. 

Fort Mercer attacked, 103. 

Fort Mifflin, 102; engagement at, 103; 
Wayne on fall of, 105. 

Fort Recovery, St. Clair's men attacked 
by the Indians at, 319; occupied 
by Wayne, 328, 329; engagement at, 


Fort Washington, news of loss of, 
reaches Ticonderoga, 46; now Cin- 
cinnati, Wayne at, 325. 

Franklin, Benjamin, interested in Nova 
Scotia lands, 8; mentioned, 25, 27 ; 
Wayne's letter to, on battle of 
Three Rivers, 29 ; Wayne's letter to, 
on affairs at Ticonderoga, 1776, 37; 
Wayne's letter to, on politics in 
Pennsylvania in 1776, 41. 

Frazer, Persifor, 1 8 ; taken prisoner, 
79, loi ; mentioned, 159. 

French alliance, 137; effect of, 155. 

French fleet, arrival of, 155; proceeds 
against Rhode Island, 155; against 
Savannah, 156. 

Funk, Jacob, 44. 



Gage, General Thomas, 14. 

Gaither, Major, 320. 

Galloway, Joseph, 91. 

Galvan, Major, 269; attempts to cap- 
ture cannon, 273, 274. 

" Garrison Hill," burial-place of Gen- 
eral Wayne, 343. 

Gaskin, Colonel, 267, 282. 

Gates, General Horatio, 40, 44, 62, 94, 
201 ; his reputation prejudicial to the 
cause, 23 ; Wayne to, on sufferings 
of the soldiers, 53 ; Wayne to, on 
loss of Fort Mifflin, 112; influence, 
114; on capture of Stony Point, 

Georgia, campaign in, 286 ; Legislature 
of, presents Wayne with a planta- 
tion, 292; Wayne's estate in, 309; 
estates, losses occasioned Wayne by, 

G6rard to Steuben on capture of Stony 

Point, 201. 
Gertnantown, 74 ; Sir W. Howe at, 92 ; 
Wayne and others in favor of an at- 
tack on, 93 ; Washington decides to 
attack the enemy at, 94; Wayne's 
account of, 95 ; General Hunter's 
account of battle of, 97 ; Howe at, 

Gibbons, Lieutenant, leads " forlorn 

hope" at Stony Point, 192; at Stony 

Point, 194; thanked by Congress, 

198 ; mentioned, 210, 405, 406, 407, 

Gist, Colonel Mordecai, 286. 
Gouvion, Colonel, 284. 
Grant, General James, forced to retire 

by Wayne, 65; mentioned, 69, 71. 
Grasse, Comte de, 281 ; leaves the 

West Indies for Yorktown, 278 ; at 

Yorktown, 279, 280, 281. 
Graves, Admiral Thomas, 278. 

Graydon, Alexander, his memoirs 
quoted regarding Wayne's appear- 
ance, 66. 

Green Spring, Virginia, 269 ; engage- 
ment at, 270-272, 276; mentioned, 


Greene, Colonel Christopher, 103. 

Greene, General Nathaniel, 51, 133, 
142, 271, 272, 286, 287; at Brandy- 
wine, 77 ; at Germantown, 94, 95 ; 
at Monmouth, 147 ; appointed quar- 
termaster, 1 60 ; to Wayne on capture 
of Stony Point, 199; to his wife on 
Stony Point, 201 ; in charge of mili- 
tary affairs in South Carolina, 264 ; 
letter of La Fayette to, on the mili- 
tary situation, 273, 274; in South 
Carolina, 288; letter to General 
Wayne congratulating him on vic- 
tory in Georgia, 293. 

Greeneville, Ohio, named after General 
Nathaniel Greene by Wayne, 327 ; 
treaty of, 338. 

Grey, General Charles, 195. 

Grier, Colonel David, 79, 83, lOl. 

Giier, Major James, wounded at Brandy- 
wine, 79 ; mentioned, 179. 

Guristersijo, Indian chief, slain, 290. 


Haddonfield, New Jersey, 131. 

Hambright, Sergeant, 91. 

Hamilton, , 254. 

Hamilton, Colonel Alexander, on the 
Council at Hopewell, 141. 

Hampton, Colonel Wade, 287. 

Hamtramck, Colonel John F., 333. 

Hand, General Edward, appointed for 
North Carolina, 157. 

Harmar, Lieutenant-Colonel Josiah, 
102, 159, 179, 233, 254, 270; letters 
of, to Wayne on rank, 176; wishes 
to serve in the Light Corps, 177 ; ex- 



pedition against the Indians under, 
defeated, 318. 

Harper, Adjutant John, letter of, to 
Wayne on sickness and recruiting at 
Albany, 42 ; taken prisoner, 79. 

Harrison, Lieutenant William H., 333. 

Hartley, Colonel Thomas, 37, 83, 86, 
loi, 117; at Three Rivers, 29; at 
Sunbury, 157. 

Hausegger, Colonel Nicholas, 62. 

Hay, Captain Samuel, 29, 159, 407, 

Hazlewood, Commodore, 102. 

Henderson, Lieutenant John, arrested, 
171,172, 173. 

Henry, William, 118, 119, 124. 

" Hobson's Choice," Wayne's camp 
near Cincinnati, 326. 

Hockley, Colonel Thomas, 17. 

Holida, Jonah, attempts to excite a 
mutiny, 55. 

Hood, Admiral Samuel, 278, 279. 

Howe, Richard, Lord, 279. 

Howe, Sir William, 37, 44, 63, 71, 124, 
134, 135; evacuates New Jersey, 72; 
sails for Chesapeake Bay, 73 ; arrives, 
74 ; reports capture of guns that were 
recaptured, 79; crosses the Schuyl- 
kill at Fatland Ford, 82 ; arrives at 
Germantown, 92; at battle of Ger- 
mantown, 96, 97. 

Howell, Mr., 121, 124, 127. 
Howell, Captain, commands the Second 
Regiment at battle of Germantown, 
Hubley, Lieutenant-Colonel Adam, Jr., 
62, 83, 10 1 ; letter of, to Wayne con- 
cerning the mutiny, 257. 
Hughes, John, the stamp-master, inter- 
ested in Nova Scotia lands, 9. 
Hulings, Major, 102. 
Hull, Major William, at Stony Point, 
190 ; mentioned, 208, 401, 404, 407 ; 
letter of, to Wayne on capture of 

Stony Point, and Wayne's reply, 413, 

Humpton, Colonel Richard, 62, 83, 87, 

loi, 270. 
Hunter, General (British), account of 
battle of Germantown, 97. 


Iddings, Elizabeth, wife of Isaac Wayne, 
mother of General Wayne, 6. 

Iddings, Richard, 6. 

Indians, Creek and Cherokee, Wayne 
negotiates a treaty of peace with, 294. 

Indians, the Miami and other Western, 
endeavor to prevent settlements west 
of Pennsylvania, 317. 

Indians, the Miami, Wayne's distrust 
of, 328; are assisted by the English, 
328; receive his last overtures of 
peace, 330; defeated by Wayne, 331. 

Irish, Celtic, not many in the Pennsyl- 
vania line, 248. 

Irvine, General William, 5, 25, 33, 157, 
159, 160, 168, 169, 170, 233, 235, 
261 ; at Three Rivers, 29, 30; taken 
prisoner, 31 ; at Monmouth, 147; 
commands in Light Infantry Corps, 
180; letters from, to Washington con- 
cerning the appointment of Macpher- 
son, 230, 231 ; letter to field officers 
of the Pennsylvania line, 232 ; letter 
to Wayne from, and Wayne's answer, 
regarding the Cincinnati, 296. 
Irving, Washington, fails to understand 
Wayne's character, 356, 359, 360, 361. 
Isle aux Noix, 33. 

Jackson, , 288. 

Jackson, Colonel Henry, 143. 
Jackson, James, opposes Wayne for 

Congress, 314. 
James Island evacuated by the British, 




Jay, John, 412. 

Jay's Treaty, 339, 341 ; stipulations of, 
regarding the Western posts, 342. 

Johnston, , 51. 

Johnston, Colonel Francis, 18, 28, 46, 
62, 70, 116, 159, 253; letter of, to 
Richard Peters on sickness of troops, 
43 ; to Wayne on military affairs and 
sickness of troops, 43 ; letter of 
Wayne to, on sickness in his regi- 
ment, 54; taken prisoner at Brandy- 
wine, 100; on Wayne's influence, 
171 ; commands in Light Infantry 
Corps, 180, 2l6; on the sufferings of 
the soldiers, 216; letter from Wayne 
to, on distress of his troops, 240. 

Johnston, Colonel Henry (British), 196, 
197; British commander of Stony 
Point, 183. 

Jones, Mr., 86. 

Jones, Rev. David, 37, 283; letter from, 
to Wayne on public matters in Penn- 
sylvania, 1 781, 285 ; delivered funeral 
oration at reinterment of Wayne, 350. 

Jones, Joseph, letter of W^ashinglon to, 
regarding sacrifices of the officers of 
the army, 217. 


Kennedy, Dr., 46. 

King's Ferry ^ on the Hudson, held by 
the British, 155. 

Knox, Lieutenant George, leads the 
"forlorn hope" at Stony Point, 192; 
thanked by Congress, 198; men- 
tioned, 210, 403, 405, 406, 407, 411. 

Knox, General Henry, 133; at Mon- 
mouth, 147 ; trying for a major- 
general's commission, 284; views of, 
adverse to an Indian war, 325, 326; 
approves of Wayne's course, 329; 
Secretary of War, Wayne's letter 
to, with account of victory over the 
Miamies, 331. 

Knox, Robert, 164. 

Knyphausen, General, at Brandywine, 


Lacey, General John, 18, 284. 

La Fayette, Marquis de, i, 142, 144; 
compared with Wayne, 15; quoted 
regarding Conway, 100 ; attempt to 
capture, at Barren Hill, 139 ; on 
capture of Stony Point, 199; with 
Wayne in Virginia, 267, 268; official 
report of action at Green Springs by, 
to General Greene, 272; letter of, to 
General Greene on battle of Green 
Springs, 273, 274; order of, compli- 
menting Wayne and the Pennsylvania 
troops, 274; effects of his campaign 
in Virginia, 277 ; receives word from 
Washington of his intention to join 
him at Yorktown, 278. 

Lamar, Major, killed, 100. 

Laneuville, Major Noirmont de, 404. 

Lang, Captain, 123. 

Lang, Commissary James, letters of, to 
Wayne regarding clothing, 117. 

Laurens, Colonel John, duel of, with 
Lee, 151. 

Lawson, General, 273. 

Learning, , 83. 

Lee, General Charles, his reputation 
prejudicial to the cause, 23; influ- 
ence, 114, 142; at Monmouth, 144; 
under arrest, 145 ; to Robert Mor- 
ris on Wayne at Monmouth, 149; 
tried for disobedience, 150; chal- 
lenges received by, from Steuben, 
Laurens, and Wayne, 151 ; to Wayne 
on capture of Stony Point, 199; men- 
tioned, 152, 201, 359, 366. 

Lee, Major Henry, on Wayne at Bran- 
dywine, 78; letter of Wayne to, on 
Monmouth, 145; mentioned, 130, 
191, 209, 294, 400. 



Legion of the United States organized 
by Wayne, 321 ; muster-roll of, in 

1793. 389- 
Legionville, Wayne moves his camp to, 


Lennox, Major David, 159. 

Lewis, , 310. 

Lewis, Colonel, 43. 

Lewis, Captain H., 333. 

Lewis, Joseph J., of West Chester, 
writes the supplementary chapter, 349. 

Lewis, Thomas, 2,2)2)- 

Lewis, William, 355. 

Light Infantry Corps to be commanded 
by Wayne, 169, 180; composition of, 
180; address of Wayne to, 181 ; neg- 
lect of, by commissary, 211 ; broken 
up, 212; Wayne thanked by the offi- 
cers of, and his replies, 213-215. 

Lincoln, General, Secretary of War, 284. 

Linn, John Blair, letter from, concern- 
ing the Irish composing the Pennsyl- 
vania line, 249, 250. 

Livingston, Colonel, at Monmouth, 152 ; 
mentioned, 234. 

Litell, Mr., 237, 

Lloyd, Colonel Hugh, 17. 

Lodi, combat at bridge of, 203. 

Lytlle, Mr., 221. 


McCalla, Rev. Daniel, taken prisoner 

at Three Rivers, 31. 

McCoy, , 288. 

McCrea, Dr., 48. 

MacDougall, General Alexander, 

Wayne borrows rum from, 184. 
McHenry, Captain Charles, letter to 

Wayne on recruiting, 123. 
McKean, Chief Justice, 310. 
McKee, Colonel, the British Indian 

agent, 334. 
McKenney, Lieutenant, 333. 

MacMichael, Lieutenant James, his 
account of battle of Brandywine, 80. 

McNutt, Alexander, interested in Nova 
Scotia lands, 8. 

Macpherson, Major William, dissatis- 
faction caused by his appointment, 
174, 229, 230; letter to Wayne con- 
cerning his rank, 232. 

" Mad Anthony" a sobriquet ill applied 
to Wayne, i, 356, 360, 364; men- 
tioned, 22, 171, 206, 291 ; origin of, 

Magaw, Colonel Robert, 159, 177. 

March, William, 172. 

Marshall, Lieutenant John, arrested, 
171, 172, 173. 

Marshall, Colonel Thomas, at Brandy- 
wine, 78. 

Martin, Governor John, of Georgia, 

Matlack, Captain, 131. 

Matlack, Timothy, 68. 

Maxwell, General, and Colonel William, 
at Three Rivers, 28, 29, 30; men- 
tioned, 137, 143. 

Mease, James, letter of Wayne to, on 
clothing, 117; slowness of, in matters 
of clothing, 121 ; mentioned, 123. 

Medals presented to Wayne and his 
companions for bravery at Stony 
Point, description of, 416-418. 

Meigs, Return Jonathan, commands in 
Light Infantry Corps, 180 ; men- 
tioned, 184, 185, 190, 208, 209, 234, 
274, 401 ; letter of, to Wayne on cap- 
ture of Stony Point, and Wayne's 
reply, 407, 410, 412, 415. 

Mentges, Major Francis, 159, 179. 

Mentges, Major J. Se.e Mentges, Francis. 

Meschianza, ladies of, told of victory of 
Monmouth, 153. 

Miami, Wayne's victory over the In- 
dians on the, 331 ; result of the battle 




Middlebrook, Washington at, 63. 

Mifflin, General Thomas, 61, 87, 89, 
160; and others, letter of, to Wayne 
urging Wayne's presence in Pennsyl- 
vania, 165. 

Miles, Colonel Samuel, 17, 18. 

Miller, Major Henry, 64, 102, 1 1 6, 

Mills, Major John, 2,t^-},. 

Miner, Charles, 372 

Minzer, , 176. 

Miss Campbell, Robert, 332 ; death of, 

Mississippi River, condition of affairs on 
the, 336. 

Monckton, Colonel Henry, killed at 
Monmouth, 147. 

Monmouth, battle of, council of war 
held at Hopewell prior to, 142; 
Wayne's suggestions regarding, 
adopted, 143; mentioned, 145, 146, 
157. 168; described by Wayne to his 
wife, 152; to Richard Peters, 153. 

Montgomery, General Richard, his 
army reinforced, 25. 

Montgomery, Colonel William, 17. 

Moor Hall, 140. 

Moore, Colonel James, 17, 18, 102, 

Moore, Major Thomas H., letter of, to 

Wayne giving an account of his 

troops, 254. 

Morgan, General Daniel, 143. 

Morgan's Corps, 105. 

Morris, Captain, 43. 

Morris, Robert, Charles Lee to, regard- 
ing Monmouth, 149 ; letter of Wayne 
to, on the number of Pennsylvania 
troops in the field, 156, 157 ; Wayne 
appeals to, 164; extract of letter from, 
to Wayne regarding action at Green 
Springs, 272 ; Wayne's letter to, on 
the arrival of Count de Grasse at 
Yorktown, 279; letter from Wayne 

to, on surrender of Cornwallis, 283; 

recommends Wayne to negotiate a 

loan, 309, 311. 
Morristown, New Jersey, Wayne or- 
dered to, 60. 
Morton, John, Wayne's letter to him on 

politics in Pennsylvania in 1776, 41. 
Mount Defiance, 73. 
Moylan's (Stephen) dragoons in 

Georgia, 287. 
Muhlenberg, General Peter, ordered to 

support Wayne at Stony Point, 191 ; 

mentioned, 133, 210, 273. 
Murfrees, Major Hardy, 190, 191 ; at 

Stony Point, 193, 195 ; mentioned, 

208, 209, 401, 402, 404. 
Murray, Major John, 159, 179. 
Mutiny at Ticonderoga quelled by 

Wayne, 55, 56. 
Mutiny in Pennsylvania line, proposals 

to the mutineers, 257 ; President 

Reed to the mutineers, 259. 


Nagle, Colonel, loo, loi. 

Naglee, John, interested in Nova Scotia 
lands, 8. 

Napoleon I., 203. 

Nelson, Captain John, his company 
mutiny, 55. 

Nesbitt, Mr., 257. 

New Jersey, Wayne sent into, to collect 
forage, 130. 

New York, the attack on, proposed by 
General Reed, approved of by Wayne 
and others, 133, 134 ; Wayne in favor 
of an attack on, 226. 

Nichol, Major, 102. 

Nichols, Brigade-Major Francis, 84. 

Norrell's Mill, 273. 

North, Colonel Caleb, 18, 83, 102. 

Nova Scotia, Wayne sent to, as a sur- 
veyor, 8. 



Oldham, Captain William, letter of, to 

Wayne on recruiting, 123. 
"Old Soldier, The," quotation from, 

Oneida Indians at Barren Hill, 140. 
Opera "Lucille" referred to, 281. 


Paoli remembered by Wayne's men at 
Germantown, 97. 

" Paoli Massacre," Wayne's report re- 
garding, 83 ; Wayne demands an in- 
vestigation of his conduct at, 84; his 
defence, 85 ; account of, 89. 

Parry, Lieutenant-Colonel Caleb, killed 
at Long Island, 18. 

Patterson, General John, 51. 

Pendleton, Captain James, 214, 215. 

Pennsylvania, political difficulties in, 
56, 57, 58; careless of her troops, 57 ; 
political condition of, in 1777,67; 
showed the road to victory at Mon- 
mouth, 153 ; sketch of public matters 
in, 285. 

Pennsylvania Assembly, letter of 
Wayne to Speaker of, on recruiting 
and clothing, 121 ; Wayne appeals to, 
165; to Wayne on capture of Stony 
Point, 201. 

Pennsylvania Associators, 17. 

Pennsylvania brigades consolidated, 

Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, 40. 

Pennsylvania line, difficulty regarding 
rank, 173; Wayne to officers of, on 
rank, 175, 176; address of officers 
of, to Wayne on his retiring from 
command of, 175, 178; mutiny in, 
242 ; letters regarding the state- 
ment that it was composed mainly of 
Celtic Irish, 248 ; official account of 
the revolt of, 252; ordered to Vir- 

ginia, 264; retained in South Car- 
olina, 288; soldiers of, pay received 
by, 297; arrangement of, in 1778, 
376; in 1781,383. 

Pennsylvania troops, noble conduct of, 
42, 43 ; Colonel Johnston's opinion of, 
43 ; Wayne's opinion of, 47 ; ordered 
home from Ticonderoga, 48 ; reor- 
ganized, 61 ; in want of uniform^, 64 ; 
force General Grant to retire, 65 ; at 
Brandywine, 78, 79; records of their 
actions, 98; number of, in the service, 
157; sufferings of, at Middlebrook, 
159; in Light Infantry Corps, 180; 
numbers of, greatly diminished in 
1780, 216; complimented by La Fay- 
ette, 274. 

Penrose, Colonel Joseph, Wayne's letter 
to, on the unhealthiness of Ticon- 
deroga, 36. 

Penrose, Mary, daughter of Bartholo- 
mew, marries Anthony Wayne, 10. 
See Wayne. 

Peters, Richard, letter to Colonel Johns- 
ton on sickness of Pennsylvania sol- 
diers, 43 ; mentioned, 45 ; letter of 
Wayne to, on fall of Fort Washington, 
46; letter of, to Wayne, May 27, 
1777, 70; mentioned, 104; Wayne 
to, on loss of Fort Mifflin, 105 ; letter 
of Wayne to, on clothing, 116 ; letter 
of Wayne to, regarding bayonets, 118; 
to Wayne on same subject, 119; letter 
of Wayne to, on slow action of Con- 
gress, 124; Wayne to, on clothing, 
127; letter of Wayne to, on French 
alliance and want of clothing, 137 ; 
letter of Wayne to, on battle of 
Monmouth, 153; letter of Wayne to, 
quoted, 280. 

Philadelphia, meeting held to oppose 
Boston Port Bill, 13; policy of, 
adopted, 14; American army passes 
through, 74 ; evacuated by the British, 



136 ; Wayne opposed to an attack on, 
136; evacuated, 141 ; ladies of, to be 
told of victory of Monmouth, 153; so- 
ciety of, described, 161, 162; society 
of, not so agreeable as formerly, 285 ; 
Wayne's reception at, in 1795, 339- 

Phillips, General, 219, 266. 

Piticoodzack River, Nova Scotia, Wayne 
and others interested in lands on, 8. 

Pittsburgh, Wayne at, in 1792, 322. 

Poor, General Enoch, 133. 

Portail, General Lebegue du, 284. 

Porter, General, 93. 

Posey, Major, 404; Wayne's letter to, 
on capture of Stony Point, 414. 

Posey, Colonel Thomas, 290. 

Postal communication established by 
Massachusetts with Ticonderoga, 38. 

Poth, Captain, 43. 

Potter, General James, 244, 253, 257, 
258. See Porter, 93. 

Potts, John M., 166. 

Potts, Samuel, 166. 

PresquHsle, Wayne visits, 343. 

Price, Major, 331. 

Prior, Captain Abner, 333. 

Proctor, Colonel Thomas, 77; at Bran- 
dywine, 78. 

Province Island, Wayne proposes to 
attack, 103, 105. 

Pulaski, General, 131, 132. 

Putnam, Colonel Rufus, commands in 
Light Infantry Corps, 180; men- 
tioned, 184, 185, 190, 214, 215. 


Quebec, capture of, compared to that of 

Stony Point, 202. 
Quebec Act, provisions of, 26. 


Rawlins, Captain, t,},^. 
Ray (Rhea), Major David, at Three 
Rivers, 30. 

Recruiting, 42; difficulty of, 123, 125. 

Red Bank, 102 ; attacked, I03. 

Reed, General Joseph, 157, 217, 223, 
244, 257, 258; proposes to strike at 
New York in 1778, 133; letter of 
Wayne to, on clothing of officers, 
162; reply to, 164; letter of Wayne 
to, on clothing, etc., 177; to Wayne 
on capture of Stony Point, 200 ; to 
Wayne on attack on block-house at 
Bergen, 220; letter from General 
Wayne to, on military movements, 
227 ; letter from Wayne to, on 
mutiny in Pennsylvania line, 255; 
letter to the mutineers, 259; Wayne 
to, on Stony Point, 406. 

Reed, Mrs. Joseph, aids the soldiers, 

Rhea. See Ray. 

Rhode Island, expedition against, 155, 

Richardson'' s Ford, 84. 

Rifle not a fit weapon for the field, 65. 

Robinson, Mr., 74. 

Robinson, Ab'm, letter of, to Wayne, 
on visit of British to his house, 92. 

Robinson, Major and Colonel Thomas, 
18, 31, 44, 45, 48, 55; wounded at 
Brandywine, 79; mentioned, 102, 
159, 192. 

Rochambeau, General, marches to 
Yorktown, 277. 

Rodney, Sir George, arrival of, 227. 

Roman, Captain Bernard, 47. 

Ross, David, 238, 

Round O, South Carolina, General 
Greene at, 286. 

Rush, Dr. Benjamin, 47 ; letter of, 
to Wayne on affairs in Canada and 
politics in Pennsylvania, 1776, 39; 
Wayne's letter to, on militaiy affairs 
at Ticonderoga, 1776, 41 ; letter of, to 
Wayne on politics in Pennsylvania in 
1776, 68, 69; Wayne's reply, 70; to 




Wayne on capture of Stony Point, 
200; letter of, to Wayne urging his 
return to Pennsylvania, 300 ; Wayne's 
reply to, 301. 
Ryan, Major, 102. 

St. Clair, General Arthur, 25, t,^,, 37, 
38, 39, 40, 44, 48, 173, 176, 233, 234, 
247,263, 286; at Three Rivers, 29, 
30, 31 ; in command at Ticonderoga, 
61 ; mentioned, 68, 70, 71 ; evacuates 
Ticonderoga, 72; service of, 167; 
Wayne on, 168, 1 69; commands 
Pennsylvania line, 170; Wayne on 
capture of Stony Point, 199; arrives 
too late to take part in siege of York- 
town, 282; governor of Northwest 
Territory, 318; commands an expe- 
dition against the Indians, 319; is 
defeated, 319. 

Saint-Mame, General, 281, 282. 

St. Sebastian, siege of, 204. 

Saint-Simon, Marquis de, arrives at 
Hampton Roads, 278. 

Savage, Captain, 274. 

Savannah, expedition against, 156; 
Wayne attempts the reduction of, 
289; evacuation of, 29 1. 

Schuyler, General Philip, 33, 50; let- 
ter of Wayne to, on affairs at Ticon- 
deroga in 1777, 47, 48; letter of 
Wayne to, on a mutiny at Ticonde- 
roga, 55 ; to Wayne on capture of 
Stony Point, 199. 

Scotch-Irish, Pennsylvania line largely 
composed of, 248. 

Scott, General Charles, 93 ; joins 
Wayne, 330, 332. 

Shannon, Mr., mismanages Wayne's 
business, 15; agent of, 352. 

Shee, Colonel John, resignation of, 45. 

Sheel, Hugh A., letter of Wayne to, 
concerning Arnold's treason, 235 ; 

letter from, to Wayne on same sub- 
ject, 237 ; note regarding, 238. 

Sherman, Colonel Isaac, good conduct 
at Stony Point, 404; letter of, to 
Wayne on capture of Stony Point, 

Simcoe's dragoons, 145. 

Simons, Colonel, 48. 

Simpson, Lieutenant Michael, 78. 

Skinner, Dr., 237, 238. 

Slough, Captain Jacob, 333. 

Smallwood, General William, failed to 
join Wayne at Paoli, 83, 84, 87, 90, 

91. 93- 
Smiley, Samuel, 350. 
Smith, Lieutenant-Colonel, 102. 
Smith, Elizabeth, wife of Isaac Wayne, 

Smith, Joshua Hett, 234. 
Smith, Lieutenant Peter, arrested, 1 71, 

172, 173- 

Smith, Lieutenant William, 333. 

Soldiers of the Revolution, motives of, 
compared with those of Europe, 205. 

Sorel, The, 28. 

Specie, need of, to pay the army, 217. 

Spencer, Sergeant, 403. 

Springfield, New Jersey, burned by the 
British, 216. 

Springsteel, Mr., near Stony Point, 

Steuben, Baron William von, 129, 201, 
202, 282; challenges Lee, 151; fear 
of a dissolution of the army if not 
paid, 217. 

Steward, Major Jack, at Stony Point, 
191 ; thanked by Congress, 198, 209, 
405 ; description of medal presented 
to, 417. 

Stewart, Colonel Walter, 62, 80, 152, 
159, 160, 233, 242, 243, 267, 283, 
286 ; letter of, to Wayne on society in 
Philadelphia, quoted, 1 61 ; Washing- 
ton approves of conduct of, 253 ; let- 



ter of, to the officers, 255 ; letter 
from, to Wayne on condition of the 
army, 284. 

Stirling, Colonel (British), 131, 132. 

Stirling, General William, Lord, 133, 

Stoddart, Captain, 86. 

Stony Point occupied by the British, 
155; address to officers on, 181 ; 
chapter on capture of, 182; descrip- 
tion of, 183; reconnoitred by Wayne 
and Butler, 186; Wayne thinks it too 
strong to storm, 186; could be sur- 
prised, 187 ; attack on, 193; capture, 
196; congratulations on capture of, 
pour in upon Wayne, 197 ; Washing- 
ton congratulates the army on capture 
of, 198 ; capture of, compared to that 
of Quebec, 202; mentioned, 360 ; 
documents relating to, 396 ; order of 
battle for attack on, 401. 

Stuart, Colonel, 233. 

Stuart, Major Christopher, 159. 

Sullivan, General John, 31, 32, 39, 80; 
at the Sorel, 28 ; attempt to cut off 
his command, 64; at Brandy wine, 77; 
at Germantown, 94, 95 ; expedition 
to Rhode Island under, 155, 156. 

Sunbury, Pennsylvania, suggested as a 
place for military stores, 134. 

Talbot, Major Jeremiah, 159. 

Taylor, Major, 102. 

Tea destroyed in Boston Harbor, 12; 

conduct of Bostonians not universally 

approved, 12. 
Temple, Colonel, 86. 
Test Laws, Wayne's efforts to have 

them repealed, 305 ; described, 305- 

Test Oath, effect of the, 304, 307 ; word- 
ing of the, 305. 

Thomas, Colonel, 17. 

Thompson, General and Colonel Wil- 
liam, 25, 28, 2,1, 68 ; at Three Rivers, 
29, 30; taken prisoner, 31. 

Three Fivers, Americans attack the 
British at, 28; Wayne's account of 
the engagement at, 29; mentioned, 

37. 39- 

Ticonderoga, 33 ; unhealthiness of, 34; 
Wayne at, 35 ; affairs at, in 1776, 35, 
36, 37» 38, 41,42; low temperature 
at, in December, 1776, 45 ; affairs at, 
in 1777, 49, 52, 55; commanded by 
St. Clair, 61 ; evacuated, 72. 

Todd, Brigadier-General, 331, 332. 

Tolbert, Samuel, 102 ; mortally 
wounded, 242. 

Towles, Lieutenant Henry B., death 
of, Zll- 

Treaty of Greeneville, 338. 

Trumbull, Colonel John, 70, 72. 


Uniform, Wayne on the importance of, 

Uniforms, Pennsylvania troops in need 

of, 64. 

Valley Forge, V^diynQ at, 114; sufferings 
at, caused by incapacity, 115 ; suffer- 
ing at, 130, 138. 

Van Berkle, P. I., Wayne applies to, for 
a loan, 309. 

Van Renselaer, Solomon, ^^^. 

Varnum, General James M., 133. 

Vernon, Major Frederick, 102, 159. 

Vernon, Job, 18. 

Verplanck's Point occupied by the 
British, 182; works at, 186. 

Virginia, campaign in, 263. 

Vose, Colonel, 273. 




Wallace, John, 44. 

Warner, Colonel, 48. 

Warren Tavern, 82. 

Washington, Wayne's desire to join, 36 ; 
condition of his army in spring, 1777, 
62 ; at Middlebrook, 63 ; strength of 
his position at Middlebrook, 7 1 ; 
orders Wayne to Chester County, 73 ; 
letter to, from Wayne, advising an 
attack on the British in Delaware, 75 ; 
letter of Wayne to, regarding attack 
at Paoli, 83 ; recrosses the Schuylkill 
after the battle of Brandy wine, 81 ; 
prepares to attack Howe near theWar- 
ren Tavern, 81 ; letters of Wayne to, 
on Paoli affair, 84 ; letter of, to Wayne 
from Potts Grove, September 23, 1777, 
91 ; to Congress, regarding Fort 
Mifflin, 104; letters of Wayne to, on 
proposed attack on Philadelphia, 109, 
no, III; letter of, to Wayne on a 
winter campaign, ill; reply to, 1 1 1 ; 
letter of Wayne to, on collecting 
forage in New Jersey, 131 ; letter of 
Wayne to, urges an attack on New 
York, 134; does not approve of an 
attack on Philadelphia, 136; crosses 
the Delaware in pursuit of Clinton, 
141 ; determines to attack Clinton, 
142; letter of Wayne to, regarding 
attacking Clinton before the battle of 
Monmouth, 143 ; mentions Wayne's 
conduct at Monmouth to Congress, 
149; letter of, quoted, on society 
in Philadelphia, 160 ; grants Wayne 
leave of absence, 169; anxiety of, to 
have Stony Point attacked, 183 ; letter 
to, from Wayne, on Stony Point, 186; 
to Wayne, on same, 187 ; Wayne to, 
on capture of Stony Point, 196; con- 
gratulates the army on capture of 
Stony Point, 198; official report of 
Wayne to, on capture of Stony Point, 

208; wishes Wayne to resume his 
command in Pennsylvania line, 215; 
to Hon. Joseph Jones on sacrifices of 
the officers of the army, 217; letter 
of Wayne to, opposing a Canadian 
campaign and favoring an attack on 
New York, 224; letter from Wayne 
and Irvine to, concerning the appoint- 
ment of Macpherson, 230, 231 ; letter 
of Wayne to, concerning the move to 
West Point, 235 ; letter from Wayne 
to, regarding the mutiny among his 
soldiers, 242 ; letter to Wayne con- 
cerning the mutiny in the Pennsyl- 
vania line, 252 ; letter from Wayne 
to, on reorganization of Pennsylvania 
line, 260 ; letter from, to Wayne re- 
garding the mutiny, 261, 262 ; crosses 
the Hudson on his march to York- 
town, 277; success of his plans at 
Yorktown, 278; reaches Williams- 
burg, 281 ; letter of Wayne to, on 
arming his officers, 396 ; on attacking 
Stony Point, 399; letters of, to Wayne 
on attack of Stony Point, 397,400; 
official report of, on Stony Point, 404. 
Wayne, Major - General Anthony, 
the memory of, cherished as of a 
popular idol, i ; the sobriquet of 
" Mad Anthony" ill applied, I ; gen- 
eral impression regarding, 2 ; trusted 
by Washington, 3 ; of English origin, 
4; immediate ancestors came from 
Ireland, 4, — not Scotch-Irish, 5 ; his 
grandfather settles in Chester County, 
Pennsylvania, 5 ; his father, Isaac 
Wayne, 5 ; birth of, 6 ; taught by his 
uncle Gilbert, 6; fondness for play- 
ing soldier, 6; sent to the Academy 
of Philadelphia, 7 ; becomes a sur- 
veyor, 7; sent to Nova Scotia by 
Franklin and others, 8 ; interested in 
lands there, 9 ; returns to Pennsylva- 
nia and marries, 10; chosen to fill 



county offices, lo ; death of his father, 
1 1 ; organizes a regiment, 1 1 ; a 
leader in public affairs in Chester 
County at the beginning of the Rev- 
olution, 14; member of numerous 
committees and conventions, 14; re- 
cruits a regiment for Continental ser- 
vice, 15; characteristics of, 15; van- 
ity of, 16; many of his early officers 
rise to distinction, 18; as chairman 
of the committee of Chester County 
he asserts that independence is not 
the object of the war, 21 ; " Mad 
Anthony" a law-abiding citizen, 22 ; 
he prepares his regiment for active 
service, 22; a strict disciplinarian, 
23 ; studies Marshal Saxe and 
Caesar's Commentaries, 23; in favor 
of an elegant uniform, 24; takes part 
in the Canadian campaign, 25 ; his 
regiment arrives at the Sorel, 28; 
fights the battle of Three Rivers, 29- 
31 ; coolness of, 32 ; is placed in 
command of Ticonderoga, 33 ; letters 
from that post in 1776-77, 35-55 ; 
thinks his regiment the finest in the 
service, 35 ; expects to be ordered to 
join Washington, 36; in possession 
of Montcalm's lines, 37 ; postal com- 
munication established by Massachu- 
setts with Ticonderoga, 38 ; on polit- 
ical condition of Pennsylvania in 
1776, 41 ; urges a closer attention to 
military affairs, 41 ; on cold weather 
at Ticonderoga, 45 ; wishes for news 
about fall of Fort Washington, 45; 
on aifairs in New Jersey, 46; on 
condition at Ticonderoga, 47-49; is 
appointed brigadier-general, 50; to 
George Clymer on sickness at Ticon- 
deroga, 52; suppresses a mutiny at 
Ticonderoga, 55 ; ordered to join 
Washington at Morristown, 60; mag- 
nanimity of, about rank, 61 ; com- 

mands the Pennsylvania line, 62 ; 
outgenerals Grant near Brunswick, 
64, 65; described by Graydon, 66; 
receives letters on politics in Penn- 
sylvania, 68, 69; his reply to Rush 
urging attention to military aff"airs, 
7 1 ; ordered to Chester County to 
arrange the militia, 73; rejoins the 
army, 74 ; takes post near Wilming- 
ton, 74; advises Washington to at- 
tack the British while in Delaware, 
75 ; takes part in battle of Brandy- 
wine, 77 ; attacked at Paoli, 82 ; his 
letter to Washington on that subject, 
83 ; demands a court of inquiry, 84 ; 
his defence, 85; acquitted, 88; his 
house surrounded by the British, 92 ; 
favors an attack at Germantown, 93 ; 
takes part in the battle of German- 
town, 95 ; forbids his servant's being 
sent to market, 97 ; recapitulation of 
his services at Brandy wine, Paoli, and 
Germantown, 98; his officers, 100 ; 
urges an attack on Province Island to 
relieve Fort Mifflin, 103, 105 ; his 
opinion of a council of war, 106; 
endeavors to bring about an active 
campaign, 107; urges that an at- 
tempt be made to draw the British 
out of Philadelphia, no; not in favor 
of a winter campaign, 1 12; his voice 
still for war, 113; shocked at the 
intrigues of the Conway Cabal, 1 14 ; 
at Valley Forge, 114; his letters re- 
garding clothing for his troops, 116, 
117, 118, 120, 121, 127; wishes bayo- 
nets for his men, 118; his high opinion 
of that weapon, 118; on recruiting, 
124, 125; difficulty of keeping offi- 
cers from resigning, 128; his claim 
for teaching the use of the bayonet, 
1 30; his zeal in foraging gains him 
the sobriquet of " Drover Wayne," 
130; is sent to New Jersey to collect 



stores, 130; letter to Washington re- 
garding the expedition, 131 ; in favor 
of making Sunbury a d6p6t of sup- 
plies and attacking New York, 134; 
not in favor of attacking the enemy 
in Philadelphia, 136; wishes to at- 
tack them if they march through 
New Jersey, 137; on the French al- 
liance, 137 ; regrets that so many 
officers are resigning, 138, 140; on 
the sufferings of the army, 138; on 
the affair at Barren Hill, 139; thinks 
Clinton will offer battle before quit- 
ting Pennsylvania, 139; while at 
Hopewell urges that Clinton be at- 
tacked, 142, 143 ; at the battle of 
Monmouth, 144; regrets Major Lee 
was not present, 145 ; repulses Col- 
onel Monckton, 147 ; his conduct at 
Monmouth mentioned by Washing- 
ton, 149; his example, 150; chal- 
lenges General Lee, 151 ; his letter 
to his wife describing the battle, 152; 
his message to the ladies of the 
Meschianza, 154; once more appeals 
for clothing, 156; on the number of 
Pennsylvania troops in the field, 157 ; 
sends two of his officers to appeal 
to the Pennsylvania Assembly, 160; 
letter to Reed on need of clothing 
for officers, 162; turns to Robert 
Morris, 164; wishes to quit the army, 
164; urged to visit Pennsylvania, 
166; his officers threaten to resign on 
account of rank, 166; on St. Clair, 
168; asks to command a Light In- 
fantry Corps, 169; surrenders com- 
mand of Pennsylvania line to St. 
Clair, 170; sympathizes with his col- 
onels, 170; orders officers under ar- 
rest for exceeding military authority, 
171 ; tries to settle difficulty caused 
by Macpherson's appointment, 174; 
addressed by officers of Pennsylvania 

line, 178; commands Light Infantry 
Corps, 180; his officers in that corps, 
180; address to his men on assault 
on Stony Point, 181 ; reprimands the 
commissary department, 184 ; recon- 
noitres Stony Point, 185 ; report on 
reconnoissance, 186; receives Wash- 
ington's plan for attack, 187; im- 
proves the same, 189; prepares to 
attack Stony Point, I91 ; letter to 
Delany to be delivered in case of 
his death, 192 ; attacks the fort, 194 ; 
is wounded, 195; carries the fort, 
195; despatch to Washington, 196; 
congratulations received by, 197 ; 
the value of the exploit, 201 ; its 
place in history, 202 ; how he gained 
the sobriquet of " Mad Anthony," 
207 ; report of, to Washington on 
capture of Stony Point, 208 ; on the 
neglect of the Light Infantry Corps, 
212; addresses to, from officers of 
Light Infantry Corps on its disband- 
ment, 213, 214; his reply, 215; re- 
sumes command in Pennsylvania line, 
216; proposes that specie be bor- 
rowed from France to pay the troops, 
217 ; makes an attack on a block- 
house at Bergen, 218; his letter to 
Reed regarding, 219; Reed's reply, 
220 ; proposes surprising New York, 
223 ; opposed to a Canadian cam- 
paign, 224; letter to Reed on mili- 
tary affairs, 227 ; endeavors to allay 
discontent among his officers regard- 
ing Macpherson, 229; his prompt 
movement on learning of Arnold's 
treason, 233; on Arnold, 236; fears 
trouble on the expiration of three-year 
enlistments, 240; endeavors to keep 
the men under control, 241 ; his 
troops mutiny, 242 ; his efforts to 
suppress the same, 242; his corre- 
spondence and that of others on the 



subject, 242-262 ; numbers of his 
men re-enlist under him, 264 ; or- 
dered to command a detachment of 
the Pennsylvania line, 264 ; report on 
condition of affairs at York, Penn- 
sylvania, 265 ; suppresses a mutiny 
at York, 265 ; ordered to reinforce 
La Fayette in Virginia, 266; is di- 
rected by La Fayette to move to 
Green Spring, 269; engagement at, 
270; receives the approval of Wash- 
ington and Greene for his conduct at, 
271 ; engages the British at Green 
Spring, Virginia, near Ambler's plan- 
tation, 273 ; complimented by La 
Fayette, 274; care of his wounded 
officers, 275 ; ordered to cross the 
James at Westover, 276; fears the 
French will not co-operate with 
the Americans at Yorktown, 279; 
wounded by a sentry, 280 ; welcomes 
the French officers under M. de 
Saint-Mame, 281 ; takes part in the 
siege of Yorktown, 282; fears that 
the victory at Yorktown will not be 
sufficiently improved, 283; letter to, 
from Colonel Stewart on surrender 
of Cornwallis, 284; letter to, from 
Rev. David Jones, 285 ; ordered to 
Georgia, 286 ; joins General Greene, 
286; receives a plantation from the 
State of Georgia, 287 ; issues procla- 
mation to citizens of Georgia, 287 ; 
his force in that State, 287 ; separated 
from the Pennsylvania line, 288 ; 
asks that one battalion of same be 
sent to him, 288; proceeds against 
Savannah, 288; attempt to surprise 
his camp by Creek Indians, 290 ; re- 
sult of his campaign in Georgia, 
291 ; Georgia shows her gratitude to, 
292 ; sent to aid in the reduction 
of Charleston, 292; General Greene 
congratulates, 293; letter to, from 

General Greene, 293; is stricken 
with fever, 293 ; negotiates treaty with 
the Creek and Cherokee Indians, 
294 ; is made major-general by brevet, 
294 ; makes no complaint of want 
of proper recognition of his services, 
295 ; letter to, from General Irvine 
on the jealousy of the Cincinnati, 
296 ; his reply to same, 296 ; is 
elected president of Georgia Society 
of the Cincinnati, 297 ; a portion of 
his command offer their services to 
quell a riot in 1783, 298; on the dis- 
bandment of the army, 299; in civil 
life, 300 ; too ill to be present at 
Washington's farewell to the army, 
300 ; receives letter from Dr. Rush 
urging his return to Pennsylvania, 
300; replies to same, 301; report 
that he is to settle in Georgia, 301 ; 
elected a member of the Council of 
Censors, 302 ; elected to the Assem- 
bly, 303 ; advocates the repeal of all 
test-laws, 304 ; member of Constitu- 
tional Convention of 1787, 308; cul- 
tivates his estates in Pennsylvania 
and Georgia, 309; borrows money 
for the purchase of slaves, 309 ; in 
financial difficulties, 311 ; returned 
a member of Congress from Geor- 
gia, 313; his election set aside, 
314; appointed by Washington com- 
mander-in-chief of the army, 315; 
commands an expedition against the 
Western Indians, 321 ; his plan for 
securing the settlements on the Ohio, 
324; organizes the Legion, 324; 
asks for flags for the Legion, 324 ; 
moves his camp to Fort Washington, 
325 ; orders to, from Secretary of 
War, 325 ; sends to Kentucky for 
mounted volunteers, 325 ; disregards 
the suggestions of the Secretary of 
War and marches against the Indians, 



326, 327 ; arrives at Greeneville, 
327 ; his soldiers inter the bones of 
those who fell under St. Clair, 328 ; 
erects Fort Recovery, 328 ; his con- 
duct approved by Washington, 329 ; 
sole conduct of the war confided to 
him, 329; repulses the Indians at 
Fort Recovery, 330 ; is joined by 
Kentucky volunteers under Scott, 
330; builds Fort Defiance, 330; 
sends last overtures of peace to the 
Indians, 330 ; his account of the vic- 
tory over the Indians on the Miami, 
33 1 ; suffering from the gout at the 
time of the battle, 334; correspond- 
ence with the English commander. 
Major Campbell, 335 ; sends a portion 
of his troops to Fort Massac, 336; 
prevents threatened hostilities with 
Spain, 336 ; estimate of the value of 
his victory over the Miamies, 337 ; 
he opens the West to emigration, 
337 ; influence of his victory on our 
relations with England, 339 ; his tri- 
umphal return to Pennsylvania, 339 ; 
the House of Representatives refuse 
to recognize his services, but thank 
his soldiers, 340 ; is again sent West, 
to receive the surrender of the British 
posts, 342 ; is received with courtesy 
by the British commanders, 342 ; at 
Detroit, 343 ; leaves Detroit for 
Presqu'isle, 343; is taken ill, 343; 
death of, 343 ; his remains are brought 
to Chester County, Pennsylvania, by 
his son, 344 ; is buried at St. David's 
Church, Radnor, Pennsylvania, 344; 
inscription on his monument, 345 ; 
estimate of his character and achieve- 
ments, 346-348 ; a sufferer from the 
gout, 349; supplementary chapter, 
with general view of his life, by 
Hon. Joseph J. Lewis, 339 ; an ac- 
count of the erection of a monument 

over his remains, 350; inherits a 
property from his father, 352 ; loses 
money as a tanner, 352 ; borrows 
money for his Georgia estate, 353; 
executes his will, 353 ; disregards the 
acquisition of property, 354; claim 
against, by the government, 355; 
a counter-claim established and paid, 
355 ; sobriquet of " Mad Anthony" 
applied to, 356, 360, 363, 364; at 
Green Springs, 357 ; his conduct in 
Georgia, 358; conduct at Stony 
Point, 359; Washington Irving on, 
356, 359, 361 ; estimate of his ser- 
vices in the Revolution, 359 ; anec- 
dote regarding his willingness to 
fight, 361 ; in favor of attacking 
Clinton at Monmouth, 362; favors 
attacking the British in Philadelphia, 
363 ; an insult to his memory re- 
sented, 364 ; general characteristics 
of, 365, 366; his opinion of Arnold 
and of Lee, 366 ; sketch of his son 
Isaac, 370 ; descendants of, 373 ; di- 
vision orders of December 20, 1777, 
374; correspondence of, regarding 
Stony Point, 395 ; on arming the 
officers of the Light Infantry Corps, 
395 ; supplementary report of, to Con- 
gress on Stony Point, 402 ; description 
of medal presented to, 415. 

Wayne, Gilbert, 6. 

Wayne, Isaac, father of General Wayne, 
5,6; removes the remains of General 
Wayne to Chester County, 344, 354; 
recovers claim against the govern- 
ment, 355 ; sketch of, 370; children 

of, 373- 

Wayne, Margaretta, 354. 

Wayne, Mary, letters of General Wayne 
to, from Ticonderoga, 35 ; letter to, 
from General Wayne, June 7, 1777, 
66; letter to, from General Wayne 
asking her to visit camp, 74 ; letters 



to, from General Wayne on British 

Williams, Major, wounded and taken 

possession of Philadelphia, 93 ; on 

prisoner, 100. 

battle of Germantown, 95 ; letter to, 

Williams, Lieutenant-Colonel William, 

from General Wayne on battle of 

159, 179. 

Monmouth, 152. 

Williamsburg evacuated by the British,, 

Waynesborough, Chester County, Pa., 


home of the Waynes, 5. 

Willis, Major, 269, 274. 

Webb, Lieutenant John, 333. 

Wilson, James, 166. 

Weedon, General George, at Brandy- 

Winter campaign, Wayne opposed to 

wine, 78. 

one in 1777-78, ill. 

Werts, Major, 121. 

Wolfe, General James, and capture of 

Westover, Virginia, Wayne at, 276. 

Quebec compared to Wayne and 

Wharton, Robert, 350. 

Stony Point, 202 ; the treatment his 

Wharton, Thomas, president of Penn- 

memory has received compared with 

sylvania, letters of Wayne to, on 

Wayne's, 346. 

clothing, etc., 120; letter of Wayne 

Wood, Colonel Joseph, 39. 

to, on recruiting and clothing, 125; 

Wright, Major, 172. 

letter of, to Wayne on recruiting. 

Wright, Sir James, rice-plantation of, 


presented to General Wayne, 287, 

Whitcomb, Colonel John, 47. 


White, Lieutenant, mortally wounded, 



Yorktown, Virginia, Cornwallis takes 

Wilcocks, , 310. 

position at, 277 ; French forces arrive 

Wilkinson, General James, 31, 333. 

at, 278. 

Will of General Wayne, 354. 

Young, Dr., 68. 


of tlj0 E^u0luttnn 

Office of the Secretary. 

Philadelphia, Pa. " 

Dear Sir : 

Some time ago Mrs. George M. Conarroe, of Philadelphia, presented 
to this Society one hundred copies of the wide margin and extra illustrated 
limited edition of the "Life of Major-General Anthony Wayne" by the 
late Charles J. Stille, LL.D., former Provost of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, to be spld for the benefit of the Wayne Monument Fund of this 

This edition was specially prepared and is a rare volume of American 
biography and history. A number of copies contain the autograph of 
the author. It is desirable that the books be disposed of as soon as pos- 
sible so as to add the revenue therefrom to the Wayne Monument Fund and 
to this end subscriptions will be received until the supply is exhausted at 
$5.00 per volume. Orders for the book may be sent to the undersigned 
accompanied by check made payable to "Charles Henry Jones, Treasurer 
Wayne Monument Fund." 


Lock Box 713, 

Philadelphia, Pa.